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GEN. Logan's letter of acceptance, and his 



CHICAGO, 1884. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1884, by 

T. B. BOYD, 

In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 

Printed and Bound by 

T. Ij- SaBa-.A.2iT <fc CO., 

226, 228 and 230 Lake Street, 



It may be well to state at the outset, that the narrative 
portion of this volume is taken mainly from the correspondence 
of the Chicago Tribune during the campaign. The speeches 
are given as reported by the Associated Press agency. No 
attempt is made at elaborate description. The only merit 
which is claimed for the compilation is, that it gives a full 
history of the brilliant campaign of Mr. Blaine from the 
time he entered personally into the canvass. 

This book contains the salient points of the most 
wonderful political campaign of which history has record. 
After three and twenty years of power, and after having twice 
refused, in national convention assembled, to nominate its 
famed and foremost champion, the Republican party in June, 
1884, nominated James G. Blaine for the high o£&ce of Presi- 
dent of the United States. His lieutenant was placed on the 
ticket in the person of John A. Logan — the premier volunteer 
General of the war — an uncompromising Republican, accept- 
able to all elements of his party. These two men were 
supposed to be invincible. They were so, as regarded the 
Democratic party. The danger came from within. Blaine, 
particularly, had accumulated enemies. His lofty genius, 
his vast experience, his profound sarcasm and burning 
denunciation had raised up against him powerful opponents 
within his own political household. The first of these was 
Roscoe Conkling, of New York, who, with a littleness that 
is the very antithesis of his undoubted genius, refused to 
break a lance in defence of the Plumed Knight, and 
ignominiously appeared, like some captive king of the 
ancients, in the "triumph" of the Democratic candidate. 



From the far-off forests of Maine the Eepublican 
standard-bearer, summoned by the voice of his people, 
which declared for him in language that could not have 
been misunderstood, came to the doubtful battle-ground 
of Ohio to dispute that fateful field. In spite of disorgani- 
zation, defection, and apathy his very presence acted on the 
"Buckeye" State like an electric shock. The people felt 
that the leader was among them, and by the force of his 
inborn power, after a month of struggle almost savage in its 
intensity, Blaine won the gallant State of Ohio by nearly 
12,000 votes ! Had he followed the dictates of his own 
reason and returned to Augusta after winning that splendid 
victory, he would be President-elect of the United States 
to-day. But he yielded unwillingly to the advice of his 
misguided friends and made a fatal visit to the city of New 
York, after having received superb ovations in Detroit and 

The turning point of the great campaign was reached 
when Burchard delivered the address, now infamously 
celebrated, in which he used the alliterative phrase — "Rum, 
Romanism and Rebellion." Had Blaine understood the 
remark he would have replied to it then and there, but he 
never heard it, and when he recognized the deadliness of the 
moral poison, the antidote of his eloquence at New Haven 
came too late. 

The battle was lost by a mere accident. Six hundred 
more votes for Blaine would have decided the struggle in 
his favor. The Irish defection from the Democratic party 
more than offset the "Mugwump" defection from the Repub- 
licans. It was the most extraordinary revolution recorded 
in American history. 

Mr. Blaine himself, in his interview at Augusta imme- 
diately after election, nobly acknowledged the wonderful 
revolt of the Irish- American voters in his favor — partly 
because of his blood and particularly because of his broad 
National American policy. 


Mr. Blaine came openly before the people to advocate his 
cause ; a gallant and manly act. The people have a right to 
see and know their candidate. The people did not fail Mr. 
Blaine, the politicians did. There were traitors everywhere 
in the official Kepublican camp. He was slaughtered in the 
house of his alleged friends — beginning in the White House 
and ending at the foot of the ladder. 

Mr. Cleveland, conscious of his own inferiority, shrank 
amid the shadows at Albany, and almost utterly hid himself 
from public view. He made no speeches, and created few 
antagonisms. His letter to Mrs. Beecher, in defense of his 
"virtue," was the silliest production that ever emanated from 
t;he pen of an American public man. 

Victor Hugo, writing of Waterloo, said: "It was a bat- 
tle of the first rank won by a Captain of the second." So 
the historian of the future in dwelling on the American 
National campaign of 1884 can truthfully say: "James G. 
Blaine, a Statesman of the first rank, was defeated, through 
an inscrutable combination of dunces and traitors, by Grover 
Cleveland, a politician of the fifth order." 

But Mr. Blaine is yet in the full bloom of intellectual 
vigor. He is only in his fifty-fourth year and is, compara- 
tively speaking, a young man politically. He has many a 
year, let us hope, in which he may be able to serve his country 
with honor to himself. He represents more thoroughly than 
any man now living, American ideas and American principles. 
He is our greatest and most earnest public man ; he embodies 
in himself the ideal statesman and leader of the time. He 
comes up to the full height of the American conception of a 
political chief. He towers above every other man of his 
party. He represents the sentiment, the thought, the 
achievements of that party. He is an intellectual warrior, 
thoroughly trained, and capable of doing battle for the prin- 
ciples of the great organization with which he has been 
identified. He has at all times the courage of his 


convictions. He fearlessly expresses his ideas. He is not 
finical like Curtis, or arrogant like Conkling. He does not 
resort to cant as Beecher does. He supported Hayes, who, 
by an accident of political malice, defeated him for the 
Presidential nomination in 1876. He supported Garfield in 
1880, though Blaine himself was the choice of nine-tenth& 
of the Kepublicans of the country. He would have sup- 
ported Arthur, or even Conkling, in 1884, if the party 
convention had chosen either as a standard-bearer. He is 
equally above jealousy and political intrigue. He is a loyal 
Republican, believing in the great mission of his party, and 
he is not capable of acting treacherously towards it. To 
paraphrase the words of the English Laureate, he is of Ameri- 
can men the chief. The American people will yet bestow 
on him the highest honor in their gift by placing him in 
the proudest position on earth, by making him the Presi- 
dent of the Republic, to express their sentiments to the 
nations of the earth, to urge the policy that America and 
not Europe shall govern our Nation, to extend American 
influence, to add glory upon glory to the greatest nation o£ 
freemen the world has ever seen. It is easy to predict even 
now that he will be the nominee of his party in 1888. He 
stands out prominently as the most able representative of 
Republican principles, and the people are getting tired of 
political accidents, political mediocrities, and political dunces. 
The election of Blaine as President will put his party in 
the position it held when Lincoln died. 



Ingersoll's Eulogy of Blaine 11 

Republican National Platform 14 

The Committee of Notification 17 

The Notification to Mr. Blaine 18 

Mr. Blaine's Reply 20 

The Notification to Gen. Logan 21 

Gen. Logan's Reply 22 

Mr. Blaine's Letter of Acceptance 24 

Gen. Logan's Letter of Acceptance 35 

Mr. Blaine on the Maine Election 44 

Mr. Blaine leaves Augusta for Boston 46 

Speech at Boston 47 

Speech at Worcester 48 

The Arrival at New York 50 

Gen. Grant's Visit 51 

Mr. Blaine's Reception at New York Sd 

Storr's Speech 55 

Through New Jersey 57 

At Philadelphia 58 

Off for Ohio— Through New York 5& 

From Syracase to Buffalo 64 

Blaine's Tribute to Judge Folger 65 

Li Pennsylvania 67 

At Cleveland's Home 67 

Speeches in the Western Reserve 70 

At Garfield's Home 72 

In Ohio 7S 

From Cleveland to Toledo 76 

From Toledo to Dayton 80 

The Reception at Cincinnati 86 

The Hebrew Delegation at Cincinnati 91 

From Cincinnati to Columbus 91 

The Reception at Columbus 94 

Congressman Finerty's Speech at Columbus 95 

The Trip to West Virginia 98 

Mr. Blaine's Speeches in West Virginia 102 

Mr. Blaine Returns from West Virginia to Ohio 107 



Speeches between Canton and Columbus 110 

In the Hocking Valley 115 

The Journey to Michigan 122 

Mr. Blaine at Detroit 124 

The Trip Through Michigan 125 

Mr. Blaine Reaches Indiana 133 

The Visit to South Bend.-._ _._ 134 

Through Indiana 137 

Blaine at Indianapohs 141 

Mr. Blaine Reaches Illinois 149 

The Visit to Chicago 152 

The Trip to Milwaukee 152 

The Milwaukee Reception 155 

Mr. Blaine's Speech at Milwaukee 156 

The Address of the IVIilwaukee Irish- Americans 157 

The Return to Chicago 158 

The Address of the German- Americans of Chicago to Mr. Blaine. _ 160 

Mr. Blaine's Response 161 

The Scene at Chicago 163 

The Chicago Reception Committee 167 

The Farewell to Chicago 171 

Back in the Empire State __- 173 

An Episode at Jamestown 176 

The Journey toward the Metropolis 177 

The New York Business Men's Parade 184 

The Dinner at Delmonico's 184 

Burchard's Speech 190 

Mr. Blaine's Visit to Brooklyn 195 

The Williamsburg Meeting 198 

The Last New York Parade 200 

The Chickering Hall Speech 200 

Burchard Rebuked at New Haven 203 

The Speech at Hartford 205 

The Speech at the New York Academy of Music 207 

Homeward Bound 210 

The Banquet at Boston 211 

Gen. Logan's Speech at Dayton 214 

Gen. Logan's Speech at Warren 216 

Gen. Logan's Speech at Lincoln, HI 220 

Blaine on the Russian Hebrews 222 

Blaine on the Transfer of Political Power. __ 225 

Blaine's Foreign Policy 230 




At Cincinnati, June, 1876. 

The following is Col. Eobert G. Inger soil's celebrated 
speech, nominating Mr. Blaine, at the Eepublican National 
Oonvention at Cincinnati, in June, 1876. It explains why- 
Mr. Blaine was referred to during the canvass of 1884 as the 
^'Plumed Knight:" 

Mk. Chaibman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

Massachusetts may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. 
Bristow; so am I; but if any man nominated by this convention cannot 
carry the State of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of 
that State. If the nominee of this convention cannot carry the grand old 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy-five thousand majority, I 
would advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. 
I would advise them to take from Bunker TTill that old monument of 

The Kepublicans of the United States demand as their leader in the 
great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of 
well-known and approved political opinions. They demand a Statesman; 
they demand a reformer after as well as before tho election. They demand 
a poHtician in the highest, broadest and best sense — a man of superb 
moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with pubHc affairs,with 
the wants of the people; with not only the requirements of the hour, but 
with the demands of the future. [Applause.] 

They demand a man broad enough to comprehend the relations of 
this government to the other nations of the earth. They demand a man 
well versed in the powers, duties and prerogatives of each and every 
■department of this government. They demand a man who will sacredly 
preserve the financial honor of the United States; one who knows enough 
to know that the national debt must be paid through the prosperity of 
this people; one who knows enough to know that all the financial theories 
in the world cannot redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to 
know that all the money must be made, not by law, but by labor; one 
who knows enough to know that all the people of the United States have 



the industry to make the money, and the honor to pay it over just as fast- 
as they make it. [Applause.] 

The Repubhcans of the United States demand a man who knows that 
prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that 
when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden har- ^ 
vest fields; hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels; 
hand in hand past the open furnace doors; hand in hand by the chimneys 
filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless sons of toil. "^ 

This money has to be dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by 
passing resolutions in a pohtical convention. [Applause.] 

The Repubhcans of the United States want a man who knows that 
this government should protect every citizen at home and abroad; 
who knows that any government that will not defend its defenders, and 
protect its protectors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They 
demand a man who beHeves in the eternal separat ion and divorcement of 
church and school. They demand a man whose pohtical reputation is ^ 
as spotless as a star; but they do not demand that their candidate shall 
have a certificate of moral character signed by a confederate Congress. 
The man who has, in full, heaped and rounded measure, all these splen- 
did quahfications, is the present grand and gallant leader of the Repub- 
lican party — James G. Blaine. [Great Applause.] 

Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of '^ 
its fijst century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic of her 
future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a man. 
who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath 
her flag — such a man is James G. Blaine. [Applause.] 

For the Repubhcan host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no 

This is a grand year — a year filled with recollections of the Revolu- 
tion; filled with the proud and tender memories of the past: with the'^ 
sacred legends of Mberty — a year in which the sons of freedom will dr ink 
from the fountain of enthusiasm; a year in which the people call for a 
man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won upon the field; 
a year in which they call for the man who has torn from the throat of trea- 
son the tongue of slander — for the man who has snatched the mask of 
Democracy from the hideous face of rebeUion; for this man who, Hke an 
intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and challenged all 
comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. [Applause.] 

Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine 
marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining- 
lance full and fair against the brazen foreheads of the defamers of Ms 
country and the mahgners of his honor. For the Republican party ta 
desert this gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their 
general upon the field of battle. [Applause.] 

James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the= 
sacred standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no- ^ 


human being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without 
remaining free. 

Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Kepublic, the 
only RepubHc that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of all her 
defenders and of all her supporters; in the name of all her soldiers Hving; in 
the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, and in the 
name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at Anderson- 
viUe and Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly remembers, Illinois — lUi- 
nois nominates for the next President of this country that prince of parHa- 
mentarians — that leader of leaders — James G. Blaine. 


The following is the full text of the platform of princi- 
ples adopted by the National Republican Convention, at 
Chicago, June, 1884, and on which Mr. Blaine and Gen.. 
Logan conducted their brilliant campaign: 

The Republicans of the United States in National Convention 
assembled renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they have 
triumphed in six successive Presidential elections ; and congratulate the 
American people on the attainment of so many results in legislation and 
administration, by which the Republican party has, after saving the 
Union, done so much to render its institutions just, equal and beneficent, 
the safeguard of liberty and the embodiment of the best thought and ^ 
highest purposes of our citizens. 

The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful 
response to the demands of the people for the freedom and equality of ^ 
all men ; for a united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens ; for the 
elevation of labor ; for an honest currency ; for purity in legislation, and 
for integrity and accountability in all departments of the government, 
and it accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and 

We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound statesman^ 
ship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong and 
successful administration ; a promise fully realized during the short 
period of his office as President of the United States. His distinguished 
services in war and peace have endeared him to the hearts of the Ameri- 
can people. 

In the administration of President Arthur, we recognize a wise, con- 
servative and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed * 
with remarkable prosperity ; and we believe his eminent services are 
entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen. 

It is the first duty of a good government to protect the rights and 
promote the interests of its own people. 

The largest diversity of industry is most productive of general pros- -^ 
perity, and of the comfort and independence of the people. 

We, therefore, demand that the imposition of duties on foreign 
imports shall be made, not " for revenue only," but that in raising the 
requisite revenues for the government, such duties shall be so levied as 
to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights 



and wages of the laborer ; to the end that active and intelligent labor, as 
well as capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full 
share in the national prosperity. 

Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, 
which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our 
earnest protest. 

The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of 
the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. 

The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequahties of the 
tariff, and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate 
process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the 
tax-payer without injuring the labor or the great productive interests of 
the country. 

We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United 
States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the dan- 
ger threatening its future prosperity ; and we, therefore, respect the 
demands of the representatives of this important agricultural interest for 
a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool, in order that such industry 
shall have full and adequate protection. 

We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized 
world ; and we urge that efforts should be made to unite all commercial 
nations in the establishment of an international standard which shall fix 
for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage. 

The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the 
States, is one of the most important prerogatives of the general govern- 
ment ; and the Republican party distinctly announces its purpose to 
support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry out the con- 
Btitutional power of Congress over mter-State commerce. 

The principle of public regulation of railway corporations is a wise 
and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people ; and we 
favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and excessive 
charges for transportation, and that shaU secure to the people, and the 
railways alike, the fair and equal protection of the laws. 

We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor; the 
enforcement of the eight hour law ; a wise and judicious system of general 
education by adequate appropriation from the national revenues, 
wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere the protection 
to a citizen of American birth must be secured to citizens by American 
adoption ; and we favor the settlement of national differences by inter- 
national arbitration. 

The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave labor and 
a desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is unalterably opposed 
to placing our workingmen in competition with any form of servile labor, 
whether at home or abroad. In this spirit, we denounce the importation 
of contract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, as an offense against the 
spirit of American institutions ; and we pledge ourselves to sustain th& 


present law restricting Chinese immigration, and to provide such farther 
legislation as is necessary to carry out its purposes. 

Eeform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under RepubHcan 
administration, should be completed by the further extension of the 
reform system already estabUshed by law, to all the grades of the service 
to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should 
be observed in all executive appointments ; and all laws at variance 
with the objects of existing reform legislation should be repealed, to the 
end that the dangers to free institutions, which lurk in the power of 
ofl&cial patronage, may be wisely and effectively avoided. 

The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United States, 
and should be reserved as far as possible for small holdings by actual 
settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of these lands 
by corporations or individuals, especially where such holdings are in the 
hands of non-resident aliens. And we will endeavor to obtain such 
legislation as will tend to correct this evil. We demand of Congress the 
speedy forfeiture of all land grants which have lapsed by reason of non- 
compUance with acts of incorporation, in all cases where there has been 
no attempt in good faith to perform the conditions of such grants. 

The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union sol- 
diers and sailors of the late war; and the EepubHcan party stands 
pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the 
widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican 
party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation contained in the 
arrears act of 1879. So that all invalid soldiers shall share alike, and 
their pensions begin with the date of disabihty or discharge, and not 
with the date of appHcation. 

The RepubHcan party favors a pohcy which shall keep us from 
entangUng aUiances with foreign nations, and which gives us the right 
to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in American 
affairs ; a policy which seeks peace and trade with all powers, but 
especially with those of the Western Hemisphere. 

We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength and 
efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American citizens 
and the interests of American commerce ; and we call upon Congress to 
remove the burdens under which American shipping has been depressed, 
so that it may again be true that we have a commerce which leaves no 
sea unexplored, and a navy which takes no law from superior force. 

Resolved, That appointments by the President to offices in the 
Territories should be made from the bona-fide citizens and residents of 
the Territories wherein they are to serve. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shaii 
promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within ou/ 
Territories ; and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power of 
the so-called Mormon church ; and that the laws so enacted should be 
rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, and by the military, 
if need be. 


The people of the United States, in their organized capacity, consti- 
tute a Nation, and not a mere confederacy of States ; the National Gov- 
ernment is supreme within the sphere of its national duties ; but the 
States have reserved rights which should be faithfully maintained ; each 
should be guarded with jealous care, so that the harmony of our system 
of government may be preserved and the Union kept inviolate. 

The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a 
free ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the 
fraud and violence practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by 
which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation 
of free institutions ; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as 
being the guilty recipient of fruits of such fraud and violence. 

We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their 
former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy ; and pledge to them our 
most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will 
secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and complete 
recognition, possession and exercise of all civil and political rights. 
Respectfully submitted, 

WM. McKINLEY, Chairman. 
Wm. Walter Phelps, Secretary, 


The President of the Convention, in conformity with the 
resolution adopted at the last session of the Convention, 
appointed the following-named gentlemen as the committee 
charged with the duty of notifying Mr. Blaine and Gen. 
Logan of their respective nominations: 

John B. Hendeeson, Missouri, Chairman, 

Alabama George Turner. 

Arkansas Logan H. Roots. 

California Charles F. Crocker. 

Colorado S. H. Elbert. 

Connecticut Samuel Fessenden. 

Delaware Washington Hastings. 

Florida W. G. Stewart. 

Georgia C. D. Forsyth. 

Illinois George R. Davis. 

Indiana , John H.Baker. 

Iowa N M. Hubbard. 

Kansas Henry E. Insley. 

Kentucky W. C. Goodloe. 

Louisiana W, B. Merchant. 

Maine J. Manchester Haynes» 

Maryland -J. McPherson Scott. 



Massachusetts Jesse M. Gove. ' 

Michigan _ Julius C. Burrows. I 

Minnesota Cushman K. Davis. i 

Mississippi JohnR. Lynch. I 

Missouri- _ Chauncey I. Filley. ' 

Nebraska Church Howe. ' 

Nevada M. D. Foley. 

New Hampshire Edward H. RoUins. 1 

New Jersey William Walter Phelps. " 

New York Andrew D.White. j 

North Carolina Patrick H. Winston, Jr. i 

Ohio John B. Foraker. 

Oregon O. N. Denny. j 

Pennsylvania Galusha A. Grow. 1 

Rhode Island-.- _ -Daniel G. Littlefield. j 

South Carolina Samuel Lee. ] 

Tennessee J.C.Napier. i 

Texas __- -_N. W. Cuney. \ 

Vermont Frederick Billings. i 

Virginia Samuel M.Yost. \ 

West Virginia Arnold C. Sherr. I 

Wisconsin E. W. Keyes. \ 

Arizona A. H. Stebbins. j 

Dakota J. L. Jolly. | 

District of Columbia P. H. Carson. " 

Idaho W. N. ShiUing. ■ 

Montana __ Lee Mantle. 

New Mexico W. H. H. Llewellyn. I 

Utah ...Nathan Kimball. ; 

Washington George D. Hill. : 

Wyoming J. W. Meldrum. ! 

Chas. W. CiiisBEE, Michigan, Secretary* \ 


The committee appointed by the National Kepublican 
Convention, to notify Mr. Blaine of the action of the 
Convention, performed that duty Saturday, June 21st, 
1884, at Augusta, the shady lawn in front of the Blaine 
homestead being chosen as the scene of the ceremonial. 
When all the preliminaries had been arranged. General 
Henderson, of Missouri, stepped forward and presented 
the address of the committee, as follows: 


Mr. Blaine: Your nomination for the office of President of the 
United States, by the National Republican Convention recently assem- 
bled in Chicago, is already known to you. The gentlemen before you, 
constituting a committee composed of one member from each State and 
Territory of the country, and one from the District of Columbia, now 
<;ome as the accredited organ of that Convention, to give you formal 
notice of the nomination and to request your acceptance thereof. 

It is, of course, knowii to you, that besides your own, several names, 
^mong the most honored in the councils of the RepubHcan party, were 
presented by their friends as candidates for this office. Between your 
friends and the friends of gentlemen so justly entitled to the respect and 
^confidence of their political associates, the contest was one of generous 
rivalry, free from any taint of bitterness, and equally free from the 
reproach of injustice. At an early stage of the proceedings of the Con- 
vention, it became manifest that the Republican States, whose aid must 
be invoked at last to insure success to the ticket, earnestly desired your 
nomination. It was equally manifest that this desire, so earnestly 
.expressed by the delegates from these States, was but the truthful reflec- 
tion of an irresistible popular demand. ^ It was not thought, nor pre- 
tended, that this demand had its origin in any ambitious desires of your 
own, or in the organized work of your friends, but it was recognized to 
l3e what it truthfully is — the spontaneous expression by a free people of 
their love and admiration of a chosen leader. 

No nomination would have given satisfaction to all the members of 
the party. This was not to be expected in a country so extended in 
area and so varied in interests. The nomination of Mr. Lincoln, in 1860, 
disappointed so many fond hopes and overthrew so many cherished 
ambitions, that for a short time the disaffection threatened to ripen 
into open revolt. In 1872, the discontent was so pronounced as to impel 
large masses of the party into organized opposition to its nominees. For 
many weeks after the nomination of Gen. Garfield, in 1880, defeat seemed 
almost inevitable. Fortunately, in each case the shock of disappoint- 
ment was followed by the sober second thought. Individual preferences 
gradually yielded to convictions of pubHc duty. The promptings of 
patriotism finally rose superior to the irritations and animosities of the 
hour. Indeed, the party in every trial has grown stronger in the face of 
threatened danger. 

In tendering you this nomination, it gives us pleasure to remember 
that those great measures which furnished causes for party congratu- 
lation by the late Convention at Chicago, and which are now crystahzed 
into the legislation of the country — measures which have strengthened 
and dignified the Nation, while they have elevated and advanced the 
people — have, at all times and on all proper occasions, received your 
earnest and valuable support. It was your good fortune to aid in pro- 
,^' iecting the Nation against the assaults of armed treason; you were pres- 
Jent and helped to unloose the shackles of the slave; you assisted in 


placing the new guarantees of freedom in the Federal Constitution; your 
voice was potent in preserving the National faith; when false theories 
of finance would have blasted National and individual prosperity, we 
kindly remember you as the fast friend of honest money and commercial J 
integrity. In all that pertains to the security and repose of capital, the 
dignity of labor, the manhood, elevation and freedom of the people, the '^ 
right of the oppressed to demand, and the duty of the government to 
afford, protection, your pubHc acts have received the unqualified indors- 
ment of popular approval. 

But we are not unmindful of the fact that parties, like individuals, ■/ 
cannot live entirely on the past, however splendid the record. The pres- 
ent is ever charged with its immediate cares, and the future presses on " 
with its new duties and its perplexing responsibilities. Parties, like 
individuals, however, that are free from the stain of violated faith in the 
past, are fairly entitled to presumptions of sincerity in their promises for 
the future. 

Among the promises made by the party in its late convention at 
Chicago, are: Purity and economy of adminstration; protection of the 
citizen, native and naturalized, at home and abroad ; the prompt restor- 
ation of our navy; a wise reduction of the surplus revenues, relieving the 
tax-payer without injuring the laborer; the preservation of the public lands 
for actual settlers; import duties, when necessary at all, to be levied not 
for revenue only, but for the double purpose of revenue and protection; 
regulation of internal commerce by the National Congress; settlement 
of international differences by peaceful arbitration, but coupled with • 
the reassertion and maintenance of the Monroe doctrine as interpreted by 
the fathers of the RepubHc; perseverance in the good work of civil serv- 
ice reform, "to the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in 
the power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively avoided:" 
honest currency based on coin of intrinsic value, adding strength to the 
pubhc credit, and giving renewed vitality to every branch of American 

Mr. Blaine: During the last twenty-three years the RepubHcan party 
has builded a new Republic — a Repubhc far more splendid than that 
originally designed by our forefathers. Its proportions, already grand, 
may yet be enlarged; its foundations may yet be strengthened, and its 
columns adorned with a beauty more resplendent still. To you, as its 
architect-in-chief, wiU soon be assigned this grateful work. 


To this address Mr. Blaine replied, saying: 

"JHfr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the National Committee'. I 
receive, not without deep sensibihty, your official notice of the action of 
the National Convention, already brought to my knowledge through the 
public press. I appreciate, more profoundly than I can express, the honor 


which is implied in the nomination for the Presidency by the Republican 
party of the Nation, speaking through the authoritative voice of its 
duly accredited delegates. To be selected as a candidate by such an 
assemblage, from the list of eminent Statesmen whose names were pre- 
sented, fills me with embarrassment. I can only express my gratitude 
for so signal an honor, and my desire to prove worthy of the great trust 
reposed in me. 

" In accepting the nomination, as I now do, I am impressed, I might 
almost say oppressed, with a sense of the labor and responsibility which 
attach to my position. The burden is hghtened, however, by the host of 
earnest men who support my candidacy, many of whom add, as does your 
honorable committee, the cheer of personal friendship to the pledge of 
pohtical fealty. A more formal acceptance will naturally be expected, 
and will in due season be communicated. It may, however, not be inap- 
propriate at this time to say that I have already made a careful study of 
the principles announced by the National Convention, and in whole and 
in detail they have my heartiest sympathy and meet my unquahfied 

" Apart from your official errand, gentleman, I am extremely happy 
to welcome you all to my home. With many of you I have already 
shared the duties of the public service, and have enjoyed the most cor- 
dial friendship. I trust your journey from all parts of the great Republic 
has been agreeable, and that during your stay in Maine you will feel 
that you are not among strangers, but among friends. Invoking the 
blessing of God upon the great cause which we jointly represent, let us 
turn to the future without fear, and with manly hearts," 

At the conclusion of Mr. Blaine's reply, the members of the com- 
mittee were introduced to him individually, and an hour was spent in 
social and informal converse. The members of the committee were then 
entertained at lunch. 


Chairman J. B. Henderson, and the members of the 

committee charged by the Republican National Convention 

with the duty of formally informing the candidates for 

President and Yice-President of their nomination, met at 

Washington, D. C, June 24th, 1884, to present the formal 

address to Gen. Logan. Gen. Henderson addressed Gen. 

Logan as follows : 

Senator Logan : The gentlemen present constitute a committee of 
the Repubhcan Convention recently assembled at Chicago, charged with 
the duty of communicating to you the formal notice of your nomination 
by that Convention as a candidate for Vice-President of the United 


States. You are not unaware of the fact that your name was presented 
to the Convention and urged by a large number of the delegates as a 
candidate for President. So soon, however, as it became apparent that 
Mr. Blaine, your colleague on the ticket, was the choice of the party for 
that high office, your friends, with those cf other competitors, promptly 
yielded their preferences to this manifest wish of the majority. 

In tendering you this nomination, we are able to assure you it was 
made without opposition, and with an enthusiasm seldom witnessed in 
the history of nominating conventions. We are gratified to know, that 
in a career of great usefulness and distinction you have most efficiently 
aided in the enactment of those measures of legislation and of constitu- 
tional reform in which the Convention found special cause for party con- 
gratulation. The principles enunciated in the platform adopted will be 
recognized by you as the same which have bo long governed and con- 
trolled your political conduct. The pledges made by the part)' find 
guarantee of performance in the fidelity with which you have heretofore 
discharged every trust confided to your keeping. 

In your election, the people of this country will furnish new proof 
of the excellence of our institutions. Without wealth, without help 
from others, without any resources except those of heart, conscience, 
intellect, energy and courage, you have won a high place in the world's 
history, and secured the confidence and affections of your countrymen. 
Being one of the people, your sympathies are with the people. In civil 
life your chief care has been to better their condition, to secure their 
rights, and perpetuate their liberties. When the Government was 
threatened by armed treason, you entered its service as a private, became 
a commander of armies, and are now the idol of the citizen soldiers of th& 
Republic. Such, in the judgment of your party, is the candidate it has 
selected, and, in behalf of that party, we ask you to accept its nomina- 

Gen. Logan replied: 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee : I receive your 
visit with pleasure, and accept with gratitude the sentiments you have 
so generously expressed in discharge of the duty with which you have 
been intrusted by the National Republican Convention. Intending to 
address you a formal communication shortly, in accordance with recog- 
nized usage, it would be out of place to detain you at this time with 
remarks which properly belong to the official utterances of a letter of 
acceptance. I may be permitted to say, however, that, though I did not 
seek the nomination of Vice-President, I accept it as a trust reposed in 
me by the Republican party, to the advancement of whose broad poUoy 
upon all questions coimected with the progress of our Government and 
of our people I have dedicated my best energies, and with this accept- 
ance I may properly signify my approval of the platform of principles 
adopted by the Convention. I am deeply sensible of the honor conferred 


upon me by my friends in so unanimously tendering this nomination, 
and I sincerely thank them for this tribute. I am not unmindful of the 
great responsibility attaching to the ofl&ce, and if elected I shall enter 
upon the performance of its duties with the firm conviction that he who 
has such unanimous support of his party friends, as the circumstances 
connected with the nomination and your own words, Mr. Chairman, indi- 
cate, and consequently such wealth of counsel to draw upon, can not 
fail in a proper discharge of the duties committed to him. I tender to 
you my thanks, Mr. Chairman, for the kind expressions you have made, 
and I offer to you and your fellow-committeemen my most cordial 


Augusta, Me., July 15, 1884. 
The Hon. John B. Henderson and others of the Committee, etc., etc. 

Gentlemen: In accepting the nomination for the Presidency ten- 
dered me by the National RepubHcan Convention, I beg to express a 
deep sense of the honor which is conferred and of the duty which is 
imposed. I venture to accompany the acceptance with some observations 
upon the questions involved in the contest — questions whose settlement 
may affect the future of the Nation favorably or unfavorably for a long 
series of years. 

In enumerating the issues upon which the Rupublican party appeals 
for popular support, the Convention has been singularly expHcit and 
felicitous. It has properly given the leading position to the industrial 
interests of the country as affected by the tariff on imports. On that 
question the two political parties are radically in conflict. Almost the 
first act of the Republicans, when they came into power in 1861, was the 
estabhshment of the principle of protection to American labor and to 
American capital. This principle the Republican party has ever since 
steadily maintained, while on the other hand the Democratic party in 
Congress has for fifty years persistently warred upon it. Twice within 
that period our opponents have destroyed tariffs arranged for protection, 
and since the close of the Civil War, whenever they have controlled the 
House of Representatives, hostile legislation has been attempted — never 
more conspicuously than in their principal measure at the late session of 

Revenue laws are in their very nature subject to frequent revision in 
order that they may be adapted to changes and modifications of trade. 
The Republican party is not contending for the permanency of any par- 
ticular statute. The issue between the two parties does not have refer- 
ence to a specific law. It is far broader and far deeper. It involves a 
principle of wide application and beneficent influence, against a theory 
which we believe to be unsound in conception and inevitably hurtful in 
practice. In the many tariff revisions which have been necessary for the 
past twenty-three years, or which may hereafter become necessary, the 
RepubHcan party has maintained and will maintain the pohcy of pro- 
tection to American industry, while our opponents insist upon a revision 
which practically destroys that poHcy. The issue is thus distinct, well 
defined, and unavoidable. The pending election may determine the fate 



of protection for a generation. The overthrow of the poHcy means a 
large and permanent reduction in the wages of the American laborer, 
besides involving the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested 
in manufacturing enterprises. The value of the present revenue system 
to the people of the United States is not a matter of theory, and I shaU. 
submit no argument to sustain it. I only invite attention to certain 
facts of official record which seem to constitute a demonstration. 

In the census of 1850 an effort was made for the first time in our his- 
tory to obtain a valuation of all the property in the United States. The 
attempt was in a large degree unsuccessful. Partly from lack of time, 
partly from prejudice among many who thought the inquiries fore- 
shadowed a new scheme of taxation, the returns were incomplete and 
unsatisfactory. Little more was done than to consoHdate the local valua- 
tion used in the States for purposes of assessment, and that, as every one 
knows, differs widely from a complete exhibit of aU the property. 

In the census of 1860, however, the work was done with great 
thoroughness — the distinction between " assessed " value and " true " 
value being carefully observed. The grand result was that the " true 
value " of all the property in the States and Territories (excluding slaves) 
amounted to fourteen thousand milHons of dollars ($14,000,000,000). This 
aggregate was the net result of the labor and the savings of all the peo- 
ple within the area of the United States from the time the first British 
colonist landed in 1C07 down to the year 1860. It represented the fruit 
of the toil of 250 years. 

After 1860 the business of the country was encouraged and developed 
loj a protective tariff. At the end of twenty years the total property of 
the United States, as returned by the census of 1880, amounted to the 
enormous aggregate of forty-four thousand millions of dollars ($44,000,- 
000,000). This great result was attained, notwithstanding the fact that 
countless millions had in the interval been wasted in the progress of a 
bloody war. It thus appears, that while our population between 1860 
and 1880 increased 60 per cent., the aggregate property increased 214 per 
cent., showing a vastly enhanced wealth per capita among the people. 
Thirty thousand milhons of doUars ($30,000,000,000) had been added 
during these twenty years to the permanent wealth of the Nation. 

These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phe- 
nomenal. That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a 
gigantic war, and for an entire period of twenty years make an average 
gain to its wealth of $125,000,000 per month, surpasses the experience of 
all other nations, ancient or modern. Even the opponents of the present 
revenue system do not pretend that in the whole history of civilization 
any parallel can be found to the material progress of the United States 
since the accession of the Kepublican party to power. 

The period between 1860 and to-day has not been one of material 
prosperity only. At no time in the history of the United States has there 
been such progress in the moral and philanthropic field. Religious and 


charitable institutions, schools, seminaries, and colleges, have been 
founded and endowed far more generously than at any previous time in 
our history. Greater and more varied relief has been extended to human 
suffering, and the entire progress of the country in wealth has been 
accompanied and dignified by a broadening and elevation of our National 
character as a people. 

Our opponents find fault that our revenue system produces a sur- 
plus. But they should not forget that the law has given a specific pur- 
pose to which all of the surplus is profitably and honorably applied — the 
reduction of the pubhc debt and the consequent rehef of the burden of 
taxation. No dollar has been wasted, and the only extravagance with 
which the party stands charged, is the generous pensioning of soldiers^ 
sailors, and their f amihes — an extravagance which embodies the highest 
form of justice in the recognition and payment of a sacred debt. When 
reduction of taxation is to be made, the RepubHcan party can be trusted 
to accomplish it in such form as will most effectively aid the industries 
of the Nation. 

A frequent accusation by our opponents is that the foreign commerce 
of the country has steadily decayed under the influence of the protective 
tariff. In this way they seek to array the importing interests against the 
RepubHcan party. It is a common and yet radical error to confound the 
commerce of the country with its carrying trade — an error often com- 
mitted innocently and sometimes designedly — but an error so gross that 
it does not distinguish between the ship and the cargo. Foreign com- 
merce represents the exports and imports of a country, regardless of the 
nationaUty of the vessel that may carry the commodities of exchange. 
Our carrjing trade has from some obvious causes suffered many dis- 
couragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same 
period steadily and prodigiously increased — increased, indeed, at a rate 
and to an amount which absolutely dwarf all previous developments of 
our trade beyond the sea. From 1860 to the present time the foreign 
commerce of the United States (divided with approximate equahty 
between exports and imports) reached the astounding aggregate of 
twenty-four thousand millions of dollars ( 824,000,000,000). The balance 
in this vast commerce inclined in our favor, but it would have been much 
larger if our trade with the countries of America — elsewhere referred to 
— ^had been more wisely adjusted. 

It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade 
since 1860, and we can gain a correct conception of it only by compari- 
son with preceding results In the same field. The total exports from the 
United States from the Declaration of Independence in 1776 down to the 
day of Lincoln's election in 1860, added to all that had previously been 
exported from the American colonies from their original settlement, 
amounted to less than nine thousand millions of dollars ( $9,000,000,000). 
On the other hand, our exports from 1860 to the close of the last fiscal 
year exceeded twelve thousand millions of dollars ($12,000,000,000) — the 


whole of it being the product of American labor. Evidently a protective 
tariff has not injured our export trade, when, under its influence, we 
exported in twenty-four years 40 per cent, more than the total amount 
that had been exported in the entire previous history of American 
commerce. All the details, when analyzed, correspond with this gigan- 
tic result. The com m ercial cities of the Union never had such growth 
as they have enjoyed since 1860. Our chief emporium, the city of Xew 
York, with its dependencies, has within that period doubled her popu- 
lation and increased her wealth fivefold. During the same period the 
imports and exports which have entered and left her harbor are more 
than double in bulk and value the whole amount imported and exported 
by her between the settlement of the first Dutch colony on the Island of 
Manhattan and the outbreak of the Civil War in 1860. 

The agricultural interest is by far the largest in the Nation, and is 
entitled in every adjustment of revenue laws to the first consideration. 
Any pohcy hostile to the fullest development of agriculture in the United 
States must be abandoned. Eeahzing this fact, the opponents of the 
present system of revenue have labored very earnestly to persuade the 
farmers of the United States that they are robbed by a protective tariff, 
and the effort is thus made to consohdate their vast influence in favor 
of free trade. But, happily, the farmers of America are inteUigent, and 
cannot be misled by sophistry when conclusive facts are before them. 
They see plainly that, during the past twenty-four years, wealth has not 
been acquired in one section or by one interest at the expense of another 
section or another interest. They see that the agricultural States have 
made even more rapid progress than the manufacturing States. 

The farmers see that in 1860 Massachusetts and Illinois had about 
the same wealth— between 8800,000.000 and 8900.000,000 each— and that in 
1880 Massachusetts had advanced to 82,600,000,000, while Illinois had 
advanced to 83,200,000,000. They see that New Jersey and Iowa were just 
equal in population in 1860, and that in twenty years the wealth of New 
Jersey was increased by the sum of 8850,000.000, while the wealth of Iowa 
was increased by the sum of 81,500,000,000. They see that the nine leading 
agricultural States of the West had grown so rapidly iniprosperity that the 
aggregate addition to their wealth in 1860 is almost as great as the wealth 
of the entire country in that year. They see that the South, which is 
almost exclusively agricultural, has shared in the general prosperity, 
and that, having recovered from the loss and devastation of war, it has 
gained so rapi lly that its total wealth is at least the double of that which 
it possessed in 1860, exclusive of slaves. 

In these extraordinary developments the farmers see the helpful 
impulse of a home market, and they see that the financial and revenue 
system, enacted since the Eepubhcan party came into power, has estab- 
lished and constantly expanded the home market. They see that even 
in the case of wheat, which is our chief cereal export, they have sold, in 
the average of the years since the close of the war, three bushels at home 


to one they have sold abroad, and that in the case of corn, the only other 
cereal which we export to any extent, 100 bushels have been used at home 
to three and a half bushels exported. In some years the disparity has 
been so great that for every peck of corn exported 100 bushels have been 
consumed in the home market. The farmers see that, in the increasing 
competition from the grain fields of Russia and from the distant plains 
of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily of greater concern 
to them, and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre 
of tillable land in the Union. 

Such facts as these, touching the growth and consumption of cereals 
at home, give us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal 
<;ommerce of the United States. They suggest also, that, in addition to the 
advantages which the American people enjoy from protection against 
foreign competition, they enjoy the advantages of absolute free trade 
over a larger area and with a greater population than any other nation. 
The internal commerce of our thirty-eight States and nine Territories is 
carried on without let or hindrance, without tax, detention, or govern- 
mental intef erence of any kind whatever. It spreads freely over an area 
of three and a half million square miles — almost equal in extent to the 
whole continent of Europe. Its profits are enjoyed to-day by 56,000,000 
of American freemen, and from this enjoyment no monopoly is created. 
According to Alexander Hamilton, when he discussed the same subject in 
1790, "the internal competition which takes place does away with every- 
thing like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the prices of articles to the 
minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital employed." It is impossible 
to point to a single monopoly in the United States that has been created 
or fostered by the industrial system which is upheld by the RepubHcan 

Compared with our foreign commerce, these domestic exchanges are 
inconceivably great m amount — requiring merely as one instrumentahty 
as large a mileage of railway as exists to-day in all the other nations of 
the world combined. These mternal exchanges are estimated by the Sta- 
tistical Bureau of the Treasury Department to be annually twenty times 
as great in amount as our foreign commerce. It is into this vast field of 
home trade — at once the creation and the heritage of the American people — 
that foreign nations are strivin-^ by every device to enter. It is into this 
field that the opponents of our present revenue system would freely 
admit the countries of Europe — countries into whose internal trade we 
could not reciprocally enter , countries to which we should be surrender- 
ing every advantage of trade ; from which we should be gaining nothing 
in return. 

A policy of this kind would be disastrous to the mechanics and work- 
ingmen of the United States. Wages are unjustly reduced when an 
industrious man is not able by his earnings to live in comfort, educate 
his children, and lay by a sufficient amount for the necessities of age. 
The reduction of wages inevitably consequent upon throwing our home 


market open to the world would deprive them of the power to do this. 
It would prove a great calamity to our country. It would produce a 
conflict between the poor and the rich, and in the sorrowful degradation 
of labor would plant the seeds of pubhc danger. 

The Republican party has steadily aimed to maintain just relations 
between labor and capital, guarding with care the rights of each. A 
conflict between the two has always led in the past and will always lead 
in the future to the injury of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation 
and profitable use of capital, and capital increases the efficiency and value 
of labor. Whoever arrays the one against the other is an enemy of both. 
That poUcy is wisest and best which harmonizes the two on the basis of 
absolute justice. The Repubhcan party has protected the free labor of 
America so that its compensation is larger than is reahzed in any other 
country. It has guarded our people against the unfair competition of 
contract labor from China, and may be caUed upon to prohibit the growth 
of a similar evil from Europe. It is obviously unfair to permit capitahsts 
to make contracts for cheap labor in foreign countries to the hurt and 
disparagement of the labor of American citizens. Such a pohcy (like 
that which would leave the time and other conditions of home labor 
exclusively in the control of the employer) is injurious to all parties — not 
the least so to the unhappy persons who are made the subjects of the 
contract. The institutions of the United States rest upon the inteUigence 
and virtue of all the people. Suffrage is made universal as a just 
weapon of self -protection to every citizen. It is not the interest of the 
RepubHc that any economic system should be adopted which involves- 
the reduction of wages to the hard standard prevailing elsewhere. The 
Repubhcan party aims to elevate and dignify labor — not to degrade it. 

As a substitute for the industrial system which, under Repubhcan 
administrations, has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our 
opponents offer a pohcy which is but a series of experiments upon our 
system of revenue — a pohcy whose end must be harm to our manufac- 
tures and greater harm to our labor. Experiment in the industrial and 
financial system is the counjry's greatest dread, as stabihty is its greatest 
boon. Even the uncertainty resuloing from the recent tariff agitation in 
Congress has hurtfuUy affected the business of the entire country* Who 
can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to our farms and our 
commerce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agitation is to be inflicted 
upon the country ? We are in the midst of an abundant harvest ; we 
are on the eve of a revival of general prosperity. Nothing stands in our 
way but the dread of a change in the industrial sysiem which has 
wrought such wonders in the last twenty years, and which, with the 
power of increased capital, will work still greater marvels of prosperity 
in the twenty years to come. 

Our foreign relations favor our domestic development. We are at 
peace with the world — at peace upon a sound basis, with no unsettled 
questions of sufficient magnitude to embarrass or distract us. Happily 


removed by our geographical position from participation or interest in 
those questions of dynasty or boundary which so frequently disturb the 
peace of Europe, we are left to cultivate friendly relations with all, and 
are free from possible entanglements in the quarrels of any. The 
United States has no cause and no desire to engage in conflict with any 
Power on earth, and we may rest in assured confidence that no Power 
desires to attack the United States. 

With the nations of the Western Hemisphere we should cultivate 
<5loser relations, and for our common prosperity and advancement we 
should invite them aU to join with us in an agreement, that, for the 
future, all international troubles in North or South America shall be 
adjusted by impartial arbitration, and not by arms. This project was 
part of the fixed pohcy of President Garfield's administration, and it 
should, in my judgment, be renewed. Its accomplishment on this 
continent would favorably affect the nations beyond the sea, and thus 
powerfully contribute at no distant day to the universal acceptance of 
the philanthropic and Christian principle of arbitration. The effect even 
of suggesting it for the Spanish- American States has been most happy, 
and has increased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposi- 
tion. It fell to my lot as Secretary of State, in June, 1881, to quiet 
apprehension in the Repubhc of Mexico by giving the assurance, in an 
official dispatch, that "there is not the faintest desire in the United 
States for territorial extension south of the Rio Grande. The bound- 
aries of the two Republics have been established in conformity with the 
best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of demarcation is not 
merely conventional. It is more. It separates a Spanish-American 
people from a Saxon- American people. It divides one great nation from 
another with distinct and natural finality." 

We seek the conquests of peace. We desire to extend our com- 
merce, and in an especial degree with our friends and neighbors on this 
continent. We have not improved our relations with Spanish America 
as wisely and persistently as we might have done. For more than a gen- 
eration the sympathy of those countries has been allowed to drift away 
from us. We should now make every effort to gain their friendship. 
Our trade with them is already large. During the last year our 
-exchanges in the Western Hemisphere amounted to $350,000,000 — nearly 
-one-fourth of our entire foreign commerce. To those who may be dis- 
posed to underrate the value of our trade with the countries of North 
and South America it may be well to state that their population is nearly 
or quite 50,000,000, and that, in proportion to aggregate numbers, we 
import nearly double as much from them as we do from Europe. But 
the result of the whole American trade is in a high degree unsatisfactory. 
The imports during the past year exceeded $225,000,000, while the exports 
were less than $125,000,000 — showing a balance against us of more than 
$100,000,000. But the money does not go to Spanish America. We send 
large sums to Europe in coin or its equivalent to pay European manu- 


f acturers for the goods which they send to Spanish America. We are 

lout paymasters for this enormous amount annually to European factors 

an amount which is a serious draft, in every financial depression, upon 
our resources of specie. 

Can not this condition of trade in great part be changed ? Can not 
the market for our products be greatly enlarged? We have made a 
beginning in our effort to improve our trade relations with Mexico, and 
we should not be content until similar and mutually advantageous 
arrangements have been successively made with every nation of North 
and South America. While the great Powers of Europe are steadily 
enlarging their colonial domination in Asia and Africa, it is the especia 
province of this country to improve and expand its trade with the nations 
of America. No field promises so much. No field has been cultivated so 
little. Our foreign policy should be an American policy in its broadest 
and most comprehensive sense— a policy of peace, of friendship, of com- 
mercial enlargement. 

The name of American, which belongs to us in our National capacity, 
must always exalt the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of the 
EepubHc must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it. The 
American citizen, rich or poor, native or naturalized, white or colored, 
must everywhere walk secure in his personal and civil rights. The 
Republic should never accept a lesser duty, it can never assume a nobler 
one, than the protection of the humblest man who owes it loyalty — pro- 
tection at home, and protection which shall follow him abroad into what- 
ever land he may go upon a lawful errand. 

I recognize, not without regret, the necessity for speaking of two 
sections of our common country. But the regret diminishes when I see 
that the elements which separated them are fast disappearing. Prejudices 
have yielded and are yielding, while a growing cordiaHty warms the 
Southern and the Northern heart alike. Can any one doubt that between 
the sections confidence and esteem are to-day more marked than at any 
period in the sixty years preceding the election of President Lincoln? 
This is the result in part of time, and in part of EepubUcan principles 
applied under the favorable condition of uniformity. It would be a great 
calamity to change these influences under which Southern Common- 
wealths are learning to vindicate civil rights, and adapting themselves to 
the conditions of political tranquility and industrial progress. If there 
be occasional and violent outbreaks in the South against this peaceful 
progress, the pubHc opinion of the country regards them as exceptional, 
and hopefully trusts that each will prove the last. 

The South needs capital and occupation, not controversy. As much 
as any part of the North the South needs the full protection of the 
revenue laws which the Repubhcan party offers. Some of the Southern 
States have already entered upon a career of industrial development and 
prosperity. These at least should not lend their electoral votes to destroy 
their own future. 


Any effort to unite the Southern States upon issues that grow out of 
the memories of the war will summon the Northern States to combine in 
the assertion of that Nationahty which was their inspiration in the civil 
struggle. And thus great energies which should be united in a common 
industrial development will be wasted in hurtful strife. The Democratic 
party shows itself a foe to Southern prosperity by always invoking and 
urging Southern political consolidation. Such a policy quenches the \/^ 
rising instinct of patriotism in the heart of the Southern youth; it revives 
and stimulates prejudice; it substitutes the spirit of barbaric vengeance 
for the love of peace, progress and harmony. 

The general character of the Civil Service of the United States under 
all administrations has been honorable. In the one supreme test — the 
collection and disbursement of revenue — the record of fidelity has 
never been surpassed in any Nation. With the almost fabulous sums 
which were received and paid during the late war, scrupulous integrity 
was the prevailing rule. Indeed, throughout that trying period it can be 
said, to the honor of the American name, that unfaithfulness and dis- 
honesty among civil officers were as rare as misconduct and cowardice on 
the field of battle. 

The growth of the country has continually and necessarily enlarged 
the Civil Service, until now it includes a vast body of officers. Kules and 
methods of appointment which prevailed when the number was smaller^ 
have been found insufficient and impracticable, and earnest efforts have 
been made to separate the great mass of ministerial officers from partisan 
influence and personal control. ImpartiaHty in the mode of appointment 
to be based on qualification, and security of tenure to be based on faith- 
ful discharge of duty, are the two ends to be accomplished. The public 
business will be aided by separating the legislative branch of the govern- 
ment from all control of appointments, and the Executive Department 
will be relieved by subjecting appointments to fixed rules, and thus 
removing them from the caprice of favoritism. But there should be right 
observance of the law which gives, in all cases of equal competency,, the 
preference to the soldiers who risked their lives in defense of the Union. 

I entered Congress in 1863, and in a somewhat prolonged service I 
never found it expedient to request or recommend the removal of a civil 
officer, except in four instances, and then for non-pohtical reasons which 
were instantly conclusive with the appointing power. The officers in the 
district, appointed by Mr. Lincoln in 1861 upon the recommendation of 
my predecessor, served, as a rule, until death or resignation. I adopted 
at the beginning of my service the test of competitive examination for 
appointments to West Point, and maintained it so long as I had the right 
by law to nominate a cadet. In the case of many officers I found that 
the present law, which arbitrarily limits the term of the commission, 
offered a constant temptation to changes for mere political reasons. I 
have publicly expressed the belief that the essential modification of that 
law would be in many respects advantageous. 


My observation in the Department of State confirmed the conclusion 
of my legislative experience, and impressed me with the conviction that 
the rule of impartial appointment might with advantage be carried 
beyond any existing provision of the civil service law. It should be apphed 
to appointments in the consular service. Consuls should be commercial 
sentinels— encircling the globe with watchfulness for their country's 
interests. Their intelHgence and competency become^ therefore, matters of 
great pubhc concern. No man should be appointed to an American con- 
sulate who is not well instructed in the history and resources of his own 
country, and in the requirements and language of commerce in the 
country to which he is sent. The same rule should be apphed even more 
rigidly to secretaries of legation in our diplomatic service. The people 
have the right to the most efficient agents in the discharge of public busi- 
ness, and the appointing power should regard this as the prior and ulte- 
rior consideration. 

ReHgious liberty is the right of every citizen of the Repubhc. Con- 
gress is forbidden by the Constitution to make any law " respecting the 
estabHshment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." For 
a century, under this guarantee, Protestant and Cathohc, Jew and Gen- 
tile, have worshiped God according to the dictates of conscience. But 
religious Hberty rdust not be perverted to the justification of offenses 
against the law. A reHgious sect, strongly entrenched in one of the 
Territories of the Union, and spreading rapidly into four other Territor- 
ies, claims the right to destroy the great safeguard and muniment of >/ 
social order, and to practice as a rehgious privilege that which is a crime 
punished with severe penalty in every State of the Union. The sacred- ^ 
ness and unity of the family must be preserved as the foundation of all 
civil government, as the source of orderly administration, as the surest 
guarantee of moral purity. 

The claim of the Mormons that they are divinely authorized to prac- 
tice polygamy should no more be admitted than the claim of certain 
heathen tribes, if they should come among us, to continue the right of 
human sacrifice. The law does not interfere with what a man beheves; \^ 
it takes cognizance only of what he does. As citizens, the Mormons are 
entitled to the same civil rights as others, and to these they must be con- 
fined. Polygamy can never receive National sanction or toleration by 
admitting the community that upholds it as a State in the Union. Like 
others, the Mormons must learn that the Hberty of the individual ceases 
where the rights of society begin. 

The people of the United States, though often urged and tempted, 
have never seriously contemplated the recognition of any other money 
than gold and silver — and currency directly convertible into them. They 
have not done so, they wiU not do so, under any necessity less pressing 
than that of desperate war. The one special requisite for the completion 
of our monetary system is the fixing of the relative values of silver and 
gold. The large use of silver as the money of account among Asiatic 


nations, taken in connection with the increasing commerce of the world, 
gives the weightiest reasons for an international agreement in the 
premises. Our Government should not cease to urge this measure until 
a common standard of value shall be reached and estabhshed — a standard 
that shall enable the United States to use the silver from its mines as an 
auxiliary to gold in settHng the balances of commercial exchange. 

The strength of the Kepublic is increased by the multiplication of 
land-holders. Our laws should look to the judicious encouragement of 
actual settlers on the public domain, which should henceforth be held 
as a sacred trust for the benefit of those seeking homes. The tendency 
to consohdate large tracts of land in the ownership of individuals or 
corporations should, with proper regard to vested rights, be discouraged. 
One hundred thousand acres of land in the hands of one man is far less 
profitable to the Nation in every way than when its ownership is divided 
among one thousand men. The evil of permitting large tracts of the 
National domain to be consolidated and controlled by the few against 
the many, is enhanced when the persons controlling it are ahens. It is 
but fair that the public land should be disposed of only to actual set- 
tlers, and to those who are citizens of the Eepublic, or willing to become 
so. Among our National interests, one languishes — the foreign carrying 
trade. It was very seriously crippled in our Civil War, and another 
blow was given to it in the general substitution of steam for sail in ocean 
traffic. With a frontage on the two great oceans, with a freightage larger 
than that of any other nation, we have every inducement to restore our 
navigation. Yet the Government has hitherto refused its help. A small 
share of the encouragement given by the Government to railways and to 
manufacturers, and a small share of the capital and the zeal given by our 
citizens to those enterprises, would have carried our ships to every sea 
and to every port. A law just enacted removes some of the burdens 
upon our navigation, and inspires hope that this great interest may at 
last receive its due share of attention. All efforts in this direction should 
receive encouragement. 

This survey of our condition as a Nation reminds us that material 
prosperity is but a mockery if it does not tend to preserve the liberty of 
the people. A free ballot is the safeguard of Republican institutions, 
without which no national welfare is assured. A popular election, 
honestly conducted, embodies the very majesty of true government. Ten 
millions of voters desire to take part in the pending contest. The safety 
of the Republic rests upon the integrity of the ballot, upon the security 
of suffrage to the citizen. To deposit a fraudulent vote is no worse a 
crime against constitutional liberty than to obstruct the deposit of an 
honest vote. He who corrupts suffrage strikes at the very root of free / 
government. He is the arch-enemy of the Republic. He forgets that 
in trampHng upon the rights of others he fatally imperils his own rights. 
" It is a good land which the Lord our God doth give us," but we can 
maintain our heritage only by guarding with vigilance the source of popu- 
lar power. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 






Washington, D. C, July 21, 1884. 

Dear Sir : Having received from you the 24th of June official noti- 
fication of my nomination by the National Bepubhcan Convention as the 
Eepublican candidate for Vice-President of the United States, and con- 
sidering it to be the duty of every man devoting himself to the pubhc 
service to assume any position to which he may be called by the voice of 
his countrymen, I accept the nomination with a grateful heart and a deep 
sense of its responsibilities ; and if elected shall endeavor to discharge 
the duties of the office to the best of my ability. This honor, as is well 
understood, was wholly unsought by me. That it was tendered by the 
representatives of the party in a manner so flattering will serve to lighten 
whatever labors I may be called upon to perform. Although the variety 
of subjects covered in the very excellent and vigorous declaration of 
principles adopted by the late Convention prohibits, upon an occasion 
calling for brevity of expression, that full elaboration of which they are 
susceptible, I avail myself of party usage to signify my approval of the 
Tarious resolutions of the platform, and to discuss them briefly. 

The resolutions of the platform declaring for the levy of such duties 
" as to afford security to our diversified industries, and protection to the 
rights and wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent 
labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man 
his full share in the National prosperity," meet my hearty approval. If 
there be a nation on the face of the earth which might, if it were a desir- 
able thing, build a wall upon its every boundary line, deny communion 
to all the world, and proceed to live upon its own resources and productions, 
that nation is the United States. There is hardly a legitimate necessity of 
civQized communities which cannot be reproduced from the extraordinary 
resources of our several States and Territories, with their manufactories, 
mines, farms, timber lands and water-ways. This circumstance, taken in 
connection with the fact that our form of government is entirely unique 
among the nations of the world, makes it utterly absurd to institute 
comparisons between our own economic system and those of other gov- 
ernments, and especially to borrow systems from them. We stand alone 
in our circumstances, our forces, our possibilities, and our aspirations. 
In all successful governments it is a prime requisite that capital and 
labor should be upon the best terms, and that both should enjoy the 
highest attainable prosperity. If there be a disturbance of the just 



balance between them, one or the other sufPers, and dissatisfaction fol- 
lows, which is hurtful to both. 

The lessons furnished by the comparatively short history of our own 
National Hfe have been too much overlooked by our people. The funda- 
mental article in the old Democratic creed proclaimed almost absolute 
free trade, and this, too, no more than a quarter of a century ago. The 
low condition of our National credit, the financial and business uncertain- 
ties, and general lack of prosperity under that system, can be remem- 
bered by every man now in middle life. Although in the great number 
of reforms instituted by the Eepublican party, sufficient credit has not 
been publicly awarded to that of tariff reform, its benefits have never- 
theless been felt throughout the land. The principle underlying this 
maasure has been in process of gradual development by the Eepublican 
party during the comparatively brief period of its power, and to-day a 
portion of its antiquated Democratic opponents make an unwilling con- 
cession to the correctness of the principle of an equitably adjusted pro- 
tective tariff by following slowly in its footsteps, though a very long way 
in the rear. The principle involved is one of no great obscurity, and can 
be readily comprehended by any intelligent person calmly reflecting upon 
it. The political and social systems of some of our trade-competing 
nations have created working classes miserable in the extreme. They 
receive the merest stipend for their daily toil, and by the great expense 
of the necessaries of life are deprived of those comforts of clothing^ 
housing, and health-producing food, which, with wholesome mental and 
social recreation, can alone make existence happy and desirable. Now, 
if the products of these countries are to be placed in our markets along- 
side of American products, either the American capitalist must suffer in 
his legitimate profits, or he must make the American laborer suffer, in an 
attempt to compete with the species of labor above referred to. In case 
of a substantial reduction in pay, there can be no compensating advan- 
tages for the American laborer, because the articles of daily consump- 
tion which he uses, with the exception of articles not produced in the 
United States and specially provided for, such as coffee and tea, are 
grown in our own country, and would not be affected in price by the low- 
ering of duties. Therefore, while he would receive less for his labor, his 
cost of living would not be decreased. Being practically placed upon 
the pay of a European laborer, our own would be deprived of facilities 
for educating and sustaining his family respectably; he would be shorn 
of proper opportunities of self -improvement, and his value as a citizen 
charged with a portion of the obligations of the government would be 
lessened. The moral tone of the laboring classs would suffer, and, in 
turn, the interests of capital and the well-being of orderly citizens in gen- 
eral would be menaced, while one evil would react upon another until 
there would be a general disturbance of the whole community. The true 
problem of good and stable government is how to infuse prosperity 
among all classes of people, the manufacturer, farmer, mechanic and 



laborer alike. Such prosperity is a preventive of crime, a security to 
capital, and the very best guarantee of peace and happiness. The obvious 
policy of our government is to protect both capital and labor by the proper 
imposition of duties. This protection should extend to every article of 
American production which goes to build up the general prosperity of 
our people. The National Convention, in view of special dangers menac- 
ing the wool interests of the United States, deemed it wise to adopt sepa- 
rate resolutions on the subject of its proper protection. This industry is 
a very large and important one. The necessary legislation to sustain 
this industry upon a prosperous basis should be extended. No one 
realizes more fully than myself the great deUcacy and difficulty of 
adjusting the tariff so nicely and equitably as to protect every home 
industry, sustain every class of American labor, promote to the highest 
point our great agricultural interests, and at the same time to give to one 
and all the advantages pertaining to foreign productions not in competi- 
tion with our own, thus not only building up our foreign commerce, but 
taking measures to carry it in our own bottoms. Difficult as this work 
appears and really is, it is susceptible of accompHshment by patient and 
intelligent labor, and to no hands can it be committed with as great assur- 
ance of success as to those of the Republican party. 

The Republican party is the indisputable author of a financial and 
monetary system, which, it is safe to say, has never before been equaled 
by that of any other nation. Under the operation of our system of 
finance, the country was safely carried through an extended and expen- 
sive war, with a National credit which has risen higher and higher with 
each succeeding year, until now the credit of the United States is 
surpassed by that of no other nation, while its securities, at a constantly 
increasing premium, are eagerly sought after by investors in all parts of 
the world. Our system of currency is most admirable in construction. 
While all the conveniences of bill circulation attach to it, every dollar of 
paper represents a dollar of the world's money standard, and as long as 
the just and wise poHcy of the RepubHcan party is continued, there can 
be no impairment of the National credit. Therefore, under the present 
laws relating thereto, it will be impossible for any man to lose a penny in 
bonds or bills of the United States or in bills of the National banks. 
The advantage of having a bank note in the house which will be as good 
in the morning as it was the night before should be appreciated by all. 
The convertibility of the currency should be maintained intact, and the 
estabUshment of an international standard among all commercial nations, 
fixing the relative values of gold and sUver coinage, would be a measure 
of peculiar advantage. 

The subjects embraced in the resolutions, respectively, looking to 
the promotion of our inter- State and foreign commerce, and to the 
matter of our foreign relations, are fraught with great importance to our 
people. In respect to inter-State commerce, there is much to be desired 
in the way of equitable rates and the facilities of transportation, that 


commerce may flow freely to the States themselves, to the diversity of 
industries and employments to be promoted in all sections of our country ; 
and that the great granaries and manufacturing establishments of the 
interior may be enabled to send their products to the seaboard for ship- 
ment to foreign countries, relieved of vexatious restrictions and 
discriminations, in relation to which it may emphatically be said, " Time 
is money," and also of unjust charges upon articles destined to meet 
close competition from the products of other parts of the world. 

As to our foreign commerce, the enormous growth of our industries 
and our surprising production of cereals and other necessities of life 
imperatively require that immediate and effective means shall be taken, 
through peaceful, orderly, and conservative methods, to open markets 
which have been and are now monopolized largely by other nations. 
This more particularly relates to our sister Republics, Spanish America, 
as also to our friends, the people of the Brazilian Empire. The Eepublics 
of Spanish America are allied to us by the very closest and warmest 
feelings, based upon a similarity of institutions and government, com- 
mon aspirations and mutual hopes. The "Great Republic," as they 
proudly term the United States, is looked upon by their people with 
affectionate admiration and as a model for them to build upon, and we 
should cultivate between them and ourselves closer commercial relations, 
which will bind all together by ties of friendly intercourse and mutual 
advantage. iFurther than this, being small commonwealths in the mili- 
tary and naval sense of European Powers, they look to us as at least a 
moral defender against a system of territorial and other encroachments 
which, aggressive in the past, has not been abandoned at this day. 
Diplomacy and intrigue have done much more to wrest the commerce of 
Spanish America from the United States than has legitimate commercial 
competition. Politically, we should be bound to the RepubUcs of our 
continent by the closest ties, and communication by ships and railroads 
should be encouraged to the fullest possible extent consistent with a wise 
and conservative public policy Above all, we should be upon such 
terms of friendship as to preclude the possibility of national misunder- 
standings between ourselves and any member of the American Republican 
family. The best method to promote uninterrupted peace between one 
and aU would be in a meeting of a general conference or Congress, where- 
by an agreement to submit all international differences to the peaceful 
decision of friendly arbitration might be reached. An agreement of this 
kind would give to our sister Republics confidence in each other and in 
us, closer communication would at once ensue, and reciprocally advan- 
tageous commercial treaties might be made whereby much of the commerce 
which now floats across the Atlantic would seek its legitimate channels 
and inure to the greater prosperity of aU American commonwealths. 
The full advantages of a policy of this nature could not be stated in a 
brief discussion like the present. 

The United States has grown to be a government representing more 


than 50,000,000 people, and in every sense, excepting that of mere naval 
power, is one of the first nations of the world. As such its citizenship 
should be valuable, entithng its possessor to protection in every quarter 
of the globe. I do not consider it necessary that our government should 
construct enormous fleets of improved ironclads, and maintain a com- 
mensurate body of seamen, in order to place ourselves on a war footing 
with the military and naval Powers of Europe. Such a course would 
not be compatible with the peaceful pohcy of our country, though it 
seems absurd that we have not effective means to repel the wanton 
invasion of our coast and give protection to our coast towns and cities 
against any power. The great moral force of our country is so univer 
sally recognized as to render an appeal to arms by us, either in protection 
of our citizens abroad or in recognition of any just international right, 
quite improbable. What we most need in this direction is a firm and 
vigorous assertion of every right and privilege belonging to our govern- 
ment or its citizens, as well as an equally firm assertion of the rights 
and privileges belonging to the general family of American Eepublics 
situated upon this continent, when opposed, if ever they should be, by 
different systems of government upon another continent. An appeal to 
right by such a government as ours could not be disregarded by any 
civilized nation. In the treaty of Washington we led the world to a 
means of escape from the horrors of war, and it is to be hoped that an 
era when all international differences shall be decided by peaceful 
arbitration is not far off. 

The central idea of the Eepublican form of government is the rule of 
the whole people, as opposed to other forms which rest upon the privi- 
leged class. Our forefathers, in the attempt to erect a new government 
which might represent the advanced thought of the world at that period 
upon the subject of governmental reform, adopted the idea of the people's 
sovereignty, and thus laid the basis of our present BepubHc. While 
technically a government of the people, it was in strictness only the 
government of a portion of the people, excluding from aU participation a 
certain other portion, held in a condition of absolute, despotic and hope- 
less servitude, the parallel to which, fortunately, does not now exist in 
any modern Christian nation. With the culmination, however, of another 
cycle of advanced thought, the American Republic suddenly assumed 
the full character of the government of the whole people, and 4,000,000 
human creatures emerged from the condition of bondmen to the full 
status of freemen, theoretically invested with the same civil and political 
rights possessed by their former masters. The subsequent legislation, 
which guaranteed by every legal title the citizenship and full equahty 
before the law in all respects of this previously disfranchised people, 
amply covers the requirements, and secures to them, so far as legislation 
can, the privileges of Ameiican citizenship. But a disagreeable fact of 
the case is, that while, theoretically, we are in the enjoyment of a govern- 
ment of the whole people, practically we are almost as far from it as we 


were in the ante-bellum days of the Republic. There are but a few lead- 
ing and indisputable facts which cover the whole statement of the case. 
In many Southern States the colored population is in large excess of the 
white. The colo'red people are Republicans, as are also a considerable 
portion of the white people. The remaining portion of the latter are 
Democrats. In the face of this incontestable truth, these States invari- 
ably return Democratic majorities. In other States of the South, the 
colored people, although not a majority, form a very considerable body 
of the population, and, with the white Republicans, are numerically in 
excess of the Democrats; yet precisely the same political result obtains, 
the Democratic party invariably carrying the elections. It is not even 
thought advisable to allow an occasional or unimportant election to be 
carried by the Republicans as a "blind," or as a stroke of finesse. Care- 
ful and impartial investigation has shown these results to follow the 
systematic exercise of physical intimidation and violence, conjoined with 
the most shameful devices ever practiced in the name of free elections. 
So confirmed has this result become, that we are brought face to face with 
the extraordinay political fact that the Democratic party of the South 
relies almost entirely upon the methods stated for success in the 
National elections. 

This unlawful perversion of the popular franchise, which I desire to 
state dispassionately and in a manner comporting with the proper dignity 
of the occasion, is one of deep gravity to the American people, in a double 

First. Itis in violation — open, direct and flagrant — of the primary 
principle upon which our government is supposed to rest, viz : That the 
control of the government is participated in by all legally qualified citi- 
zens, in accordance with the plan of popular government, that majorities 
must rule in the decisions of all questions. 

Second. It is in violation of the rights and interests of the States 
wherein are particularly centered the great wealth and industries of the 
Nation, and which pay an overwhelming portion of the National taxes. 
The immense aggregation of interests embraced within, and the enor- 
mously greater population of these other States of the Union, are subject 
every four years to dangers of a wholly fraudulent show of numerical 
strength. Under this system the minorities actually attempt to direct 
the course of National affairs, and, up to this time, success has not attended 
their efforts to elect a President, yet success has been so perilously 
imminent as to encourage a repetition of the effort at each quadrennial 
election, and the subject interests an overwhelming majority of our 
people North and South. 

The stereotyped argument in refutation of these plain truths is, that if 
the Republican element was really in the majority they could not be 
deprived of their rights and privileges by the minority; but neither sta- 
tistics of population nor the unavoidable logic of the situation can be 
overridden. The colored people of the South have recently emerged 


from the bondage of their present political oppressors; they have had but 
few advantages of education which might enable them to compete with 
the whites. As I have heretofore maintained, in order to achieve the 
ideal perfection of popular government, it is absolutely necessary that 
the masses should be educated. This proposition apphes itself with full 
force to the colored people of the South. They must have better educa- 
tional advantages, and thus be enabled to become the intellectual peers 
•of their white brethren, as many of them undoubtedly already are. A 
liberal school system should be provided for the rising generation of the 
South, and the colored people be made as capable of exercising the duties 
of electors as the white people. In the meantime it is the duty of the 
National Government to go beyond the resolutions and declarations on 
"the subject, and to take such action as may he in its power to secure 
..absolute freedom of National elections everywhere, to the end that our 
Congress may cease to contain members representing fictitious majorities 
-of their people, thus misdirecting the popular will concerning the 
National legislation, and especially to the end that in Presidential con- 
tests the great business and other interests of the country may not be 
placed in fear and trembhng lest an unscrupulous minority should succeed 
in stifling the wishes of the majority. In accordance with the spirit 
-of the last resolution of the Chicago platform, measures should be taken 
.at once to remedy this great evil. 

Under our liberal institutions the subjects and citizens of every 
nation have been welcomed to a home in our midst, and, in compHance 
with our laws, to co-operation with our government. While it is the 
poHcy of the RepubUcan party to encourage the oppressed of other 
nations, and offer them facihties for becoming useful and intelligent 
citizens, in the legal definition of the term, the party has never contem- 
plated the admission of a class of servile people who are not only unable 
to comprehend our institutions, but indisposed to become a part of our 
IS'ational family, or embrace any higher civilization than their own. To 
admit such immigrants would be only to throw a retarding element into 
the very path of our progress. Our legislation should be amply protect- 
ive against this danger, and if not sufficiently so now should be made so 
to the full extent allowed by our treaties with friendly Powers. 

The subject of civil service administration is a problem that has 
occupied the earnest thought of Statesmen for a number of years past, 
and the record will show that toward its solution many results of a valu- 
able and comprehensive character have been attained by the Repubhcan 
party since its accession to power. In the partisan warfare made upon 
the latter with a view of weakening it in the public confidence, a great 
deal has been alleged ia connection with the abuse of the civil service, 
the party making the indiscriminate charges seeming to have entirely 
forgotten that it was under the full sway of the Democratic organization 
that the motto, " To the victors belong the spoils," became a cardinal 
article in the Democratic creed. With a determination to elevate our 


governmental administration to a standard of justice, excellence and pub- 
lic morality, the Republican party has sedulously endeavored to lay the 
foundation of a system which shall reach the highest perfection under 
the plastic hand of time and accumulating experience. The problem is 
one of far greater intricacy than appears upon its superficial considera- 
tion, and embraces sub-questions of how to avoid abuses possible to the 
lodgment of an immense number of appointments in the hands of the 
Executive; of how to give encouragement to and provoke emulation in 
various government employes, in order that they may strive for pro- 
ficiency and rest their hopes of advancement upon the attributes of offi- 
cial merit, good conduct, and exemplary honesty; and how best to avoid 
the evils of creating a privileged class in the government service, who, 
in imitation of European prototypes, may gradually lose all proficiency 
and value, in the behef that they possess a Hfe calHng, only to be taken 
away in case of some iiagrant abuse. 

The thinking, earnest men of the RepubHcan party have made no 
wordy demonstration upon this, but they have endeavored quietly to 
perform that which their opponents are constantly promising without 
performing. Under Republican rule the result has been, that, without 
engrafting any of the objectionable features of European systems upon 
our own, there has been a steady and even rapid elevation of the civil 
service in all its departments, until it can now be stated, without fear of 
successful contradiction, that the service is more just, more efficient, and 
purer in all its features, than ever before since the estabhshment of our 
government; and if defects still exist in our system, the country can 
safely rely upon the RepubHcan party as the most efficient instrument 
for their removaL I am in favor of the highest standard of excellence in 
the administration of civil service, and will lend my best efforts to accom- 
plish the point of greatest attainable perfection in this branch of our 

The Republican party came into existence in a crusade against the 
Democratic institutions of slavery and polygamy. The first has been 
buried beneath the embers of civil war. The party should continue it& 
efforts until the remaining iniquity shall disappear from our civiHzation 
under the force of faithfully executed laws. 

There are subjects of importance which I would gladly touch upon 
did space permit. I limit myself to saying, that, while there should be 
the most rigid economy in governmental administration, there should be 
no self-defeating parsimony either in our domestic or foreign service. 
Official dishonesty should be promptly and relentlessly punished. Our 
obUgations to the defenders of our country should never be forgotten, 
and a Hberal system of pensions provided by the RepubHcan party 
should not be imperiled by adverse legislation. The law estabHshing a 
Labor Bureau, through which the interests of labor can be placed in an 
organized condition, I regard as a salutary measure. The eight-hour 
law should be enforced as rigidly as any other. We should increase our 


navy to a degree enabling us to amply protect our coast lines, our com- 
merce, and to give us a force in foreign water which shall be a respecta- 
ble and proper representative of a country like our own. 

The pubhc lands belong to the people, and should not be alienated 
from them, but reserved for free homes for all desiring to possess them; 
and, finally, our present Indian pohcy should be continued and improved 
upon as our experience in its administration shall from time to time sug- 

I have the honor to subscribe myself, sir, your obedient servant, 

To the Hon. John B. Henderson, Chairman of the committee. 


The evening of the day of the Maine State election, about 
10 o'clock, a crowd of 2,000 or 3,000, with torchlights and 
brass bands, surrounded Mr. Blaine's house at Augusta, and 
gave him a serenade. When he appeared at the door there 
was immense cheering. He said: 

Fellow-citizens and old friends : The Republicans of Maine may well 
congratulate themselves on the magnificent victory which they have won. 
Four years ago this evening we were overwhelmed and humihated by the 
loss of the State. We rejoice now over the unparalleled triumph which is 
registered by the choice of both branches of the Legislature, by the elec- 
tion of all the Representatives in Congress, of all the county officers in 
every county in the State, except one, and by the popular majority for Gov. 
Robie of perhaps 15,000 votes. The cause of this Democratic overthrow; 
gentlemen, is known to us all. Our canvass has been conducted on one 
^reat issue; our papers have kept that constantly before the people; every 
speaker from every platform has enumerated, defended, enforced it. It is 
the issue of protection to American labor. The tariff has been almost 
the only question discussed in our canvass, and the people have 
responded nobly. They understand the subject fully. They know the 
details of the Morrison Tariff bill, and they read therein the precise 
results which would follow if our opponents should obtain control of the 
National Government They know that the Morrison bill enacted into 
a law would seriously cripple if not utterly destroy the leading industrial 
interests of Maine: that it would reduce the wages of every laboring-man 
and stop every new manufacturing enterprise in the State. Seeing this, 
the people of Maine have protested against the enactment of so destruc- 
tive a measure and have set the seal of disapprobation upon the Demo- 
cratic party that supports it. Many Democrats of Maine who never 
before wavered in their allegiance to the party have ranged themselves 
to-day on the side of protection to American industry by voting the full 
Republican ticket. Their leaders could not hold them. Party discipline 
is powerless against the convictions of men. The issue on the temper- 
ance amendment to the Constitution has been very properly and very 
rigidly separated from the poHtical contest of the State to-day. Many 
Democrats voted for it and some RepubUcans voted against it. The 



EepubHcan party, by the desire of many leading temperance men, took 
no action as a party on the amendment. For myself, I decided not to 
vote at all on the question. I took this position because I am chosen by 
the EepubHcan party as the representative of National issues, and by no 
act of mine shall any question be obtruded into the National campaign 
which belongs properly to the domain of State pohtics. Certain advo- 
cates of prohibition and certain opponents of prohibition are each seek- 
ing to drag the issue into the National canvass, and thus tending to 
exclude from popular consideration questions which press for National 
decision. If there be any questions that belong solely to the police power 
of the State it is the control of the liquor traffic, and wise men will not 
neglect National issues in the year of the National contest. The judi- 
cious friends of protective tariff, which is the practical issue of the cam- 
paign, will not divert their votes to the question of prohibition, which is not 
a practical issue in a National campaign. I accept with great pleasure 
your congratulations on the vote of this city and the surroimding towns 
of Kennebec County. I do not disguise from you that I am profoundly 
gratified with the result. Desirous of the good opinion of all men, I am 
sure I esteem beyond all others the good opinion of these excellent 
people, among whom I have passed nearly all the years of my adult life, 
who have known me intimately from young manhood as a fellow- 
citizen, neighbor and friend. I return my thanks for your call, and still 
heartier thanks for your great work of to-day. 

This speech, it may be well to say, struck the Iiey-note 
to the future canvass. 

After Mr. Blaine had concluded, Senator CuUom of Illi- 
nois, who was present, was called upon, and made a brief 
and eloquent address. Gen. Swift of Boston, also spoke. 
There were present on the occasion, besides the most prom- 
inent citizens of Augusta, Senator Cullom and Gen. Swift^ 
Col. Stone of Detroit, Col. Osgood and J. H. Manley. 



During the State canvass in Maine, Mr. Blaine attended 
many campaign meetings, and made a few brief remarks of a 
non-political character. His presence, however, inspired 
enthusiasm. It encouraged the Republicans, and imparted 
animation to the canvass. After the election, it was 
acknowledged on all hands that the splendid majority of 
nearly 20,000, which Gen. Robie, the Republican candidate 
for Governor, received September 8th, was due to the part 
which the Presidential nominee had taken in the campaign. 
It was reasoned, and correctly^ that if Mr. Blaine's participa- 
tion in the Maine contest met with such good results, his 
presence in other States could not fail to add to Republican 
enthusiasm, and have a most important influence, particularly 
m the close States. It was understood at the time that Mr. 
Blaine had some reluctance about entering on what would 
be called a personal canvass, but he finally yielded to the 
judgment of the National Committee, and left Augusta the 
afternoon of the 17th of September for New York. His trip 
through Maine, New Hampshire and Massachusetts, evoked 
extraordinary enthusiasm. Senator Hale and Postmaster 
Manley, of Augusta, accompanied Mr. Blaine from his 
home. At Portland Congressman Reed joined the party. 


Boston was reached at 10:30 P. M., September 
17th. On his journey to the Massachusetts capital, he 
was greeted by enthusiastic thousands at Portsmouth, New- 
buryport, Ipswich, Salem, Somerville and Lynn. At the 



latter city a committee of prominent citizens, consisting of 
Messrs. Hidden, Hartwell French, B. Scribner, T. C. John- 
son, and C. W. Whitcomb, joined Mr. Blaine and his party, 
and accompanied them to Boston, where they were met by 
Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman of the State Committee, 
Mr. Henry Parkman, Chairman of the Ward and City Com- 
mittee of Boston, Col. Whipple and Col. Charles H. Allen 
of the Governor's staff, Mr. Grozier, Secretary of the 
Governor; the Hon. W. W. Crapo, Mr. Kobert W. South- 
worth, and Mr. Robert F. Means of the State Committee. 
Soon after the first greetings were over, Mr. .Blaine stepped 
out upon the balcony of the hotel in response to the urgent 
demands of the great gathering, and spoke as follows: 

I thank you, gentlemen, for the old-fashioned Boston welcome. I 
do not come to your city as a stranger, and I feel that I am among old 
friends and true friends. [Cheers.] I have known your city intimately 
for thirty years. I have watched its progress with deep personal interest, 
and whenever it fell within my power I have, in a humble way con- 
tributed thereto Boston is to all New England the center of interest as 
much in my own State as in yours, and there is no city within the limits of 
the Union where a popular greeting would be more grateful than it is to 
me this evening from this people. [Cheers.] Thanking you with aU my 
heart for the good will and good cheer with which you have received me, 
I bid you good evening. 

The meeting at Boston was spontaneous and enthusiastic. 
It is estimated that 20,000 listened to the brief speech given 


The following day, September 18th, Mr. Blaine left Bos- 
ton for Worcester, arriving at the latter place about noon. 
Here he was met by a non-partisan reception committee, 
and when the train drew into the station he was heartily 
cheered by several thousand admirers. Mr. Blaine was 
accompanied by Senator Hale and Secretary Fessenden, and 
was immediately driven to the fair grounds, through streets 
lined with enthusiastic multitudes, in an open barouche, 
in which also sat President Piatt, of the Massachusetts 


Agricultural Society, and Mayor Reed, of Worcester. After 
a lunch and a brief informal social interview, Mr. Blaine 
addressed the very large gathering assembled as follows: 

Ladies and Gentlemen : I am sure that, under this rich autumn/ 
sun and in this rich and prosperous State, you will expect from me 
to-day nothing but words of congratulation. And if there be any one 
spot within the limits of the United States which may challenge all others 
in prosperity, contentment, and general happiness, it must be Worcester, 
in the State of Massachusetts. [Applause.] We are in the habit in our 
minds, without looking closely at figures, to think of some of the rich 
sections of Europe as far more populous than any sections we have in 
this country; but in the great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
land there is not so dense a population as inhabits Massachusetts from 
this point to the sea; there is not in the crowded "Kingdom of Belgium;, 
not in that hive of industry — Holland — so dense a population as you on 
this ground represent to-day, and when you come to compare the com- 
fort, thrift, and general prospeiity of the entire people there is not, per- v' 
haps, on this circling globe a community that can stand comparison. 
Out West, on those rich lands which " laugh a crop when tickled with a - 
hoe," in that " boundless continuity " of space in which the agricultural 
district stretches from the crest of the Alleghenies to the great plains, it 
will be a surprise to them, if it is not to you, that this county of Worcester, 
out of 1,700 and odd counties that make up all of the States, is the 
fifteenth in the whole United States in the value of its agricultural 
products; and, what is more surprising, that, standing in this high rank 
in agricultural industry and agricultural product, it stands still higher 
in mechanical industry and the product of manufacturers, for in that 
great list it stands tenth in the United States. So that when you come 
to estimate the $5,500,000,000 product of manufacturers in a single year, 
and $3,500,000,000 as the product of agriculture in a single year in this 
United States, you can see what must be the magnificent prosperity of 
this county that it should stand fifiieenth in one Hst and tenth in the 
other. Gentlemen, this county has been long noted, has been long 
.known. It is the county best known in the State — so widely known 
throughout the Union — and if it were to be presented, or if any county 
in this country were to be presented, as the one exemplar, the one illus- 
tration of what free industry, and free schools, and free education could 
do, there would be one voice in favor of presenting the county of Wor- 
cester as that exemplar. [Applause.] We are sometimes a little jealous 
of you in Massachusetts, but perhaps it is only for your superior pros- 
perity [laughter] ; but outside and beyond that jealousy I am here to 
say on behalf of the State which was part of the old Commonwealth that. 
for the county of Worcester, for the State of Massachusetts, no other 


feeling is entertained than that of profound respect, admiration, and 
honor [Enthusiastic cheers.] 

Thanking you, gentlemen, for the very cordial and hospitable recep- 
tion which has been made so agreeable to-day, and wishing you abun- 
dant increase of the great prosperity which surrounds you, I bid you a 
cordial farewell. [Applause.] 

After leaving Worcester the train made the run to Palmer 
without a stop. At that point Mr. Blaine left his car and went 
along the platform, shaking hands with as many as he could of 
the hundreds who were upon it, and who cheered him lustily. 
When the train arrived at Springfield it was at once surrounded 
by thousands. ]\ir. Blaine having come forward, the Hon. 
AVilliam H. Hale said: "Fellow-citizens, allow me to 
present to you James G. Blaine." This introduction was the 
signal for renewed cheers, to which Mr. Blaine replied: 
''I thank you, my friends, very heartily for your cordial 
reception. I have no time to say more than simply my thanks." 
Mr. Hale called for three cheers, and three times three were 
given. Then Mr. Blaine spent several minutes shaking hands 
with those who could reach him. In response to calls for 
another speech he said: "I again extend to you my sincere 
thanks for this hearty reception." At Springfield the follow- 
ing-named gentlemen got on the train: Col. H. T. Sperry, 
Postmaster Dickinson, State Senator Cooley, the Hon. John 
R. Brick, Z. B. Plympton, United States Marshal Kenney, 
J. J. Morris, A. S. Hatch of Mississippi, and S. O. Prentiss 
of Hartford, Postmaster Sperry, Collector Beers, and H. 
Lynde Harrison, Chairman of the Connecticut Republican 
Central Committee, They had arranged for a special train 
from Hartford to New York, and they urged Mr. Blaine to 
get on it, but he decided, owing to the lateness of the 
hour and the uncertainty of such means of progression, not 
to do so. Hartford also gave him an enthusiastic greeting. 
In its railway station was a multitude of people who made 
the welkin ring with shouts of joy. When quiet had been in 
a measure secured, Mr. Blaine said, in reply to earnest calls 
for a speech: 


I have no time for any speech, gentlemen, otherwise than to thank yon 
for your very kind and cordial reception. The platform of aD express 
train is not a very good place to speak from. I regret that my voice 
could be heard only by so small a portion of this vast audience, if I could 


As the train entered the station of New York a salute 
was given the party by the explosion of thirty-eight 
railway torpedoes upon the rails, the band playing " Marching 
through Georgia." Mr. Blaine turned to Collector Kob- 
ertson, and laughingly said, "I thought there was to be 
no demonstration." He looked pleased at the welcome, 
and he walked from the train, taking the arm of ex-Gov. 
Cornell. The roofs of the cars on the adjoining tracks were 
covered with people, and a large crowd was assembled on the 
walks and stairway of the entrance to the station. As his tall 
form towered above the crowd which rushed toward him, his 
hand was seized by Stephen B. Elkins, while the air was 
rent with shouts of " Hurrah for Blaine." When he reached 
the steps leading to the street the crowd rushed upon him, 
him and many shook hands with him. As Mr Blaine 
stepped to his carriage the torches were waved aloft, 
and the lanterns swung around the heads of those who 
held them, the immense crowd joining in the cheers given 
by the uniformed escort. The carriage halted in front of 
the reservoir, Mr. Blaine waving his hand and bowing as 
the crowd cheered and surged about him. When the order 
to march was given, the Pioneer Club led the way, Mr. 
Blaine's carriage coming next, the rear being taken by the 
Jacobus Battery. Along the avenue there were groups of 
sightseers. The Union League Club was brilliantly illu- 
minated, and a great crowd was in front of the Eepublican 
headquarters. The gathering on the sidewalks followed 
along from the station to the hotel, keeping up a continu- 
ous cheering, which Mr. Blaine acknowledged by lifting 
his hat. 

As soon as Mr. Blaine reached the hotel, the immense 
crowd in Madison Square yelled and cheered "Blaine! 


Blaine!" and in a few minutes after, when Mr. Blaine 
descended to the parlor-floor and stepped out upon the bal- 
cony, he was vigorously cheered. He responded by lifting 
his hat and bowing. A number of friends had meanwhile 
entered the parlor, and when Mr. Blaine retired from the night 
air, they crowded about to shake his hand. Among those 
present were Stephen B. Elkins, Senators Jones and Chaffee, 
Postmaster J. H. Manley of Augusta, N. H. Painter of 
Washington, Gen. Jardine, and Speaker Titus Sheard of 
New York. Mr. Blaine made no speech but retired to his 
room. Ex-Gov. Cornell shook his hand as he bade him 
^ood-night, and said: "I will see you to-morrow, Mr. 

"Yes, to-morrow morning," was Mr. Blaine's reply. 


Mr. Blaine spent the greater part of the following day 
(the 19th of September) chatting with the people who called 
upon him. He held a general reception during the forenoon. 
The most prominent caller of the day was Gen. U. S. Grant, 
who had expressed himself in favor of Mr. Blaine, but his 
call in person was a source of surprise and great gratification 
to Mr. Blaine's friends. Gen. Grant was looking very well. 
The two met without the slightest embarrassment, and had a 
free, general talk about the political situation. 

The special correspondent of the Philadelphia Press 
describes the meeting of Grant and Blaine as follows : 

"The main incident of the day politically was the call of 
Gen. Grant upon Mr. Blaine. Mr. Blaine was seated in his 
rooms with a number of personal and political friends. 
Suddenly there was a knock at the door, and Mr. Blaine, 
who had just risen from a seat, stepped forward to open it. 
A stout, heavy-set man, with gray whiskers and dark blue 
eyes, leaning on a pair of crutches, stood at the threshold. 
It did not take an instant for the crowd to recognize the vet- 
eran figure of Gen. Grant. Quick as a flash every man was 
on his feet. 


"Mr. Blaine stepped forward in delighted surprise, and 
grasped the General's hand with much warmth. Everybody 
in the room was silent as the two foremost men of their time 
stood hand in hand in the center of the room. The reception on 
the part of both was sincere and unaffected, and tears seemed 
to sparkle in the General's eyes as he noticed the deference 
which all so gladly paid him. Leaning on his crutches, the 
General was led to an adjoining settee, and there Mr. Blaine 
and he remained in consultation for nearly an hour. A little 
boy attached to the National Republican headquarters, who 
had come over to see the cr.ndidate, was sitting at a center- 
table in the room, on which rested his elbows, while he 
gazed earnestly at the spectacle before him. Then, turning 
to a gentleman whom he knew, he said in a quiet voice: 
' And that is the man whom Ward robbed ?' 

"Altogether, the scene was one which those who wit- 
nessed it are never likely to forget. To Mr. Blaine, Gen. 
Grant said: 'They are abusing you as they have abused 
me, but they will elect you nevertheless. For my own part,' 
continued the General, ' I do not know of any time when 
Republican success was more essential to National pros- 
perity than at present' " 

An informal serenade which had been tendered to Mr 
Blaine at the Republican National Committee headquarters, 
on the evening of the 20th, became, by the will of the citizens 
of New York, an imposing demonstration in his honor. The 
campaign was then at so early a stage, and the organization of 
uniformed bodies of voters was so imperfect, that the National 
Committee did not expect any great demonstration until 
Mr. Blaine's return from Ohio. But so great a desire was 
expressed on the part of Republican voters to see and know 
their candidate, that it was decided that he should appear 
for a few minutes on the platform in front of the National 
Headquarters at No. 242 Fifth avenue. About 60,000 people 

When Mr. Blaine arrived at the committee rooms, aboui 
9 P. M., he was met by Senator Hal^, J. R. Hawley and B. 


F. Jones of the National Committee, Ex-Gov. A. B. Cornell, 
Emery A. Storrs of Chicago, Collector Eobertson, George 
Bliss, Murat Halstead, Chauncey I. Filley of Missouri, 
Andrew S. Draper, Ellis H. Koberts, Silas B. Dutcher, Maj. 
Z. K. Parglow of Jersey City, Secretary Fessenden of the 
National Committee, Postmaster Manley of Augusta, District 
Attorney Tenney of Brooklyn, and George W. Hooker of 

When Mr. Blaine appeared on the platform, there was 
hearty applause and cheers for several minutes. Chaii^man 
Andrew S. Draper, of the Executive Committee of the State 
Committee, stepped to the front of the platform, and in a 
brief speech introduced Mr. Blaine. 

Mr. Blaine then said: 

Fellow-Citizens: To be received by the city of New York is indeed 
an honor. To be received by so magnificent a demonstration as that which 
I see before me touches me deeply, and calls for my sincere and heart- 
felt thanks. [Applause.] Your great emporium, this city of New York, 
represents in its growth and its grandeur the United States of America. 
[Applause.] It is not merely the chief municipahty of the Empire State; 
it is the commercial metropohs of the continent, and I conceive it to 
be one of the chief honors of my life to be thus welcomed to its hearty 
hospitality. [Applause and cries of "Welcome."] I renew to you and 
impress upon you the gratitude I feel, the thankfulness I offer for the 
reception you have tendered to me." [Cries of " You are welcome," and 
loud applause.] 

As soon as Mr. Blaine retired into the building there were 
other speeches by Silas B. Dutcher, Senator Eugene Hale 
of Maine, Senator Hawley of Connecticut, and the Hon. 
Emery A. Storrs of Chicago. Senator Hawley said: 

Fellow-Citizens: I perceive that it is impossible to speak to all New 
York. I see before me many of my old comrades, and I feel that we are 
making a new step in choosing Presidents. (Applause.) Hitherto every 
man we have put in the Presidential chair has won his spurs on the battle- 
field, beginning with the magnificent old hero, Grant [applause], and 
Hayes, wounded on the field [applause], and Garfield [loud applause.] 
But, comrades, while we were in the field all our enemies were not in 
front of us. Never had we a doubt that the American people would be 
patient with us, and confident that we should overwhelm the armies of 
the enemies of the flag and the constitution. [Applause.] But often were 


our faces timidly turned toward the North lest the enemy here might take 
possession of State Legislature and Congress, and ; . imon us to return 
home to a dishonorable peace, as the Democratic Convention did in 1864 
at Chicago. Showered upon us soldiers, indeed, are honors beyond our 
deserts. Our fellow-citizens are never weary of speaking more highly 
of our services than they deserve. We are proud to be numbered as one 
each in the great struggle for the integrity of the Republic; but we are 
not going to forget, and we cannot forget, that, besides courage, honor, 
faith, and high daring in the great enterprise, there was more required. 
[Applause.] Think of the men in Congress who, in doubtful pohtical con- 
tests, looked homeward, who, confident in the faith and principle of the " 
American people, incurred debts by the hundred millions, and called for 
soldiers by the five hundred thousand. [Prolonged cheering.] In this 
crisis there entered the Lower House of Congress from Maine a young 
man of thirty-two years, who went up, and up, and up in the halls of legis- 
lation, and who for liberty and Union was the very Phil Sheridan of Con- 
gress — James G. Blaine. [Loud applause, and a voice, "Three cheers for 
Sheridan." Immense cheering.] Comrades, these many years we have 
marched, talked, hurrahed, wept^ and prayed to put soldiers in the chair. 
Now let us turn to one of the honored and gallant leading civilians, to 
whom also we owe our liberties — James G. Blaine. [Great cheering.] 

Senator Hawley was followed by Senator Hale, who said: 

Fellow-Citizens: The State of Maine, speaking in no uncertain- 
voice, has proclaimed her allegiance to the RepubUcan party Six years 
ago we went down for the time being under an adverse majority of 13,000, 
In 1879 we reduced the majority against us, and regained the Legisla- 
ture, which in the next winter drove out the usurping State Governor. In 
1882 we elected a RepubUcan Governor [applause] by 6,000 majority. 
This year James G. Blaine was put in nomination for the Presidency 
[applause],and under the inspiration of that great popular movement Gov. 
Robie led his Democratic opponent in the September election just 
closed by 20,000 majority. [Applause.] That magnificent victory ranks 
with the brilliant triumph of 1856, when, in the youth of the Repubhcan 
party, Hannibal Hamlin was taken from the Senate and made Governor; 
audit ranks also with the great victories which have been since won by 
that party, representing loyalty and patriotism, over the prostrate form 
of the Democratic party. [Applause.] The people of the State had 
known Mr. Blaine for thirty years; they had watched his in-goings and 
out-comings; they had trusted him with every cause, and found him 
false to none [applause]; they had seen him rise in American fashion, 
carving out his own way, and earning and occupying almost every 
exalted position in the Republic, until at last they came to regard him — 
and he is so regarded in the eyes of the civilized world — as the first citizen 
of a Republic of 55,000,000 of people. [Thunders of applause.] The 


name of James G. Blaine was a tower of strength in the contest, and also 
in a marked degree was the distinguished soldier and poHtical leader 
associated with him on the ticket. [Cheers for Logan.] There was not 
an old and battle-scarred veteran of the armies of the Repubhc— he who 
had lost an arm at Antietam or a leg at Gettysburg, or his health and 
strength in the lines about Richmond— who did not feel that when anything 
touching his welfare came up in Congress he had a friend and an advo- 
cate in John A. Logan. [Prolonged applause.] 

IMr. Hale referred in terms of highest praise to ]\Ir. 
Blaine's letter of acceptance, and closed with an eloquent 
eulogy of the Republican standard-bearers. 


The Hon. Emery A. Storrs followed, saying: 
Mr. Chairman : I am entirely conscious that this is no occasion for 
speech-making. I know the countless thousands assembled here to-night 
are here for the purpose of welcoming to the city of New York the next 
President of the United States, James G. Blaine. [Applause.] He has 
brought with him here the magnificent indorsement of 20,000 majority 
in his own State. [Cheers for Maine.] The tide of great enthusiasm and 
final victory will follow his footsteps to Ohio, and when the campaign is 
closed it will be found that the State of New York has roUed up such an 
overwhelming majority for the Republican candidate as will leave the vic- 
tory beyond all question. [Loud applause, and a voice,"You are right."] Of 
course I am right. The presence of so vast an audience here demon- 
strates that the Repubhcan party is a great missionary enterprise. 
Twenty years ago such an exhibition could not be seen in the city of 
New York. We are losing some Eepubhcans and at the same time win- 
ning tens of thousands to our side from the rank and file of the old 
Democratic party. [Applause.] I am willing, as you are willing, to 
make the exchange. [Prolonged applause.] I know very well that the 
RepubUcans of this city and of the Nation understand fully the issues 
that are involved in this contest, and understand fuUy the character of 
the men who represent them. This is not a meeting for speeches; it is 
ameeting to tender a fitting reception to our distinguished candidate — 
a resolve in which I join you heartily. Good night. [A voice: "Three 
cheers for Blaine and Logan." Immense cheering.] 

Sunday, Sept. the 21st, after divine service, M.r. Blaine 
received some intimate friends at his hotel. 

The following day, Sept. 22d, a delegation of ministers 
called upon Mr. Blaine. Among the number were Dr. King, 


the Kev. Dr. Merrill of Greely, Colo., the Kev. Dr. Wellesly 
Bowdish, of Brooklyn, the Eev. W. F. Wood of Oil City, the 
Rev. W. Kirby, of Colchepter, Conn., the Rev. Messrs. W. C, 
Blakeslee and J. W. Johnston, of Newark; the Rev. Messrs. 
Duncan McGregor, George E. Reed, L. R. Streeter, W. L. 
Phillips, C. E. Harris, and William Burt, of Brooklyn ; the 
Rev. Dr. S. F. Upham, Professor in Drew Theological Semi- 
nary , the Rev. M. B. Clapman, the Rev. Messrs. George Van 
Alstine, Philip Germond and H. McKendree Darwood of 
New York, and the Rev. Messrs. Lathner, S. H. Lent, 
O. Haviland, T. S. Bond, G. Lodge, Arthur B. Sandf ord, and 
the Rev. Dr. Goodsell. Mr. Blaine was at lunch when these 
gentlemen arrived, but soon entered the room. " How do 
you do, Dr. King?" said Mr. Blaine, grasping the hand of 
the minister, whom he had met before. " How do you do, 
Mr. Blaine?" said Dr. King. "This committee of gentle- 
men are citizens of the United States, and when I add that 
they are ministers I think I am not saying that to their 
detriment. They would like to look upon your face and 
shake your hand." Mr. Blaine expressed pleasure at meet- 
ing the gentlemen, and as they one by one passed by him 
he shook hands with each. In the afternoon, he was 
waited on by a delegation from the New York Union League 
Club, headed by Col. George Bliss. Mr. Charles S. Smith, 
who spoke in behalf of the committee, addressed Mr. Blaine, 

Mr. Blaine: In the absence of our President, Mr. Evarts, it becomes 
my pleasing duty to present to you a delegation from the Union League 
Club, and in their name to welcome you to New York. But, sir, the 
members of this club need no introduction to you. Your name for more 
than twenty years has been with us a household word, and your fame is 
dearer than ever because of the 'vdle slanders that have attacked it. These 
slanders will soon be forgotten in our triumphs of November, which will 
give echo to the recent Maine election, and we hope, sir, that you may 
be able then not only to forgive but to forget your slanderers. Sir, the 
Union League Club claims to have done something for the Eepublican 
party and something for the country. We claim the right by our past 
record to speak with some authority for our party. We claim to be a 



body of men wlio ask nothing for ourselves and only seek good govern- 
ment and a wise policy. I am desired by my friends who surround me 
to say that it is their emphatic conviction that the question of questions to 
be decided in the coming Presidential election which dominates all 
others is this : "Shall the American idea of a tariff for the protection of 
American labor and American industries be maintained as the settled 
policy of the United States?" We, sir, utterly repudiate the un-American 
and Democratic doctrine of a tariff for revenue only. We claim that this 
is the only question now worthy of discussion. We pledge to you, sir, 
the hearty support of an overwhelming majority of this club. The small 
remnant of a minority may desert their party election day; it will be 
onlj' because they support free trade. 

In response to this Mr. Blaine said: 

Gentlemen of the Union League: I desire in response to your 
cordial welcome to express the deep obligation I feel for the courtesy 
you have shown me by this call. The history of the Union League Club 
of New York is inseparably identified with the most critical period in the 
history of this Nation. No one who has followed our National progress 
for the last quarter of a century can be msensible of the great aid which 
your organization rendered in all the crises of the Civil War. [Applause.] 
Since the restoration of peace you have been distinguished for your 
adherence to sound political principles, and by the weight of your influ- 
ence you have done much to promote wise legislation and to lead pubUc 
opinion in channels of safety. [Applause.] I wish again to return my 
thanks for your kindness, and express my profound appreciation of the 
kindly assurances you give of your sympathy and support. [Applause.] 


At 6:30 P. M., IMr. Blaine left for Philadelphia, whither 
he was escorted by a committee of the Union League of that 
city, consisting of Messrs. Charles K. Ide, John L. Lawson, 
Samuel B. Henry, Samuel C. Perkins, Edward C. Knight, 
Eobert L. Davis, Thomas Cochrane, W. H. Hurley, Henry 
Lewis, Samuel Bell, F. C. Brewster, J. R. Benson and 
E. W. Benson. The journey through New Jersey was a 
continued ovation. The train made brief stops at Newark, 
at Princeton, where Mjo. Blaine was cordially greeted 
by the college students, at Trenton and Elizabeth. At 
Newark Mr. Blaine was introduced to the assemblage which 


collected to see and clieer him, by Mr. Courtland Parker. 

He made the following brief speech: 

My Friends: I had known before, from my experience, of the hospi- 
tahty of a New Jersey welcome, but this scene to-night surpasses at once 
my experience and expectation. It would be idle in me to deny that I 
see in it a significance which it might not be becoming to express. I am 
grateful for these renewed evidences of the devotion of New Jersey to 
myself and to the cause which I represent. More than this I need not 
say further than to wish you a hearty good-night. [Applause.l 


The train reached Philadelphia about midnight. There 
were 30,000 people around the depot even at that time, wait- 
ing to welcome the Kepublican candidate. The most notable 
personal incident of the following day was Mr. Blaine's 
interview with Senator Don Cameron of Pennsylvannia, at 
the Continental hotel. In the evening there was a torchlight 
procession in which 30,000 men participated, and which Mr. 
Blaine reviewed from the balcony of his hotel. There were 
150,000 sightseers. Mr. Blaine returned in the evening 
to New York. 



At 8:30 on the 24th of September, Chairman James D. 
Warren of the Republican State Committee, and A. S. Draper 
of the Executive Committee, waited on Mr. Blaine, and 
escorted him to the Grand Central Depot, to begin his journey 
westward. Mr. Blaine was accompanied on the trip through 
New York by Messrs. Warren and Draper, John W. Yrooman, 
Barney Biglin, and Captain Chester A. Cole of the State 
Committee, John B. Dutcher, Charles A. Chickering, J. A. 
Sleicher of the Albany Journal^ Martin I. Townsend of Troy, 
Congressman Burleigh, ex-Congressman T. M. Pomeroy, 
Walker Blaine and Postmaster Manley. 

At Peekskill . fully 1,500 people gathered at the station. 
Here Mr. Blaine said: 

I am very much obliged to you, gentlemen, for your cordial greeting. 
I have heretofore known much of the hospitahty and cordiality of the 
RepubHcans of Westchester County toward myself, and I am glad to 
have this opportunity of thanking you in person. I never pass through 
this beautiful town, in one of the most beautiful parts of the Hudson 
Valley, that I do not instinctively remember that among the great things 
which distinguish it is that it is the birthplace of the honorable gentle- 
man whom I have the pleasure of presenting to you. [Laughter and 

Mr. Blaine then presented Mr. Dutcher. 

At Cold Spring Mr. Blaine said: 

I thank you very sincerely, gentlemen, for the compliment you pay 
me in assembling in such numbers on my way up the Hudson Valley — a 
valley through which I always travel with mcreasing pleasure and 
deUght. I am glad, sincerely glad, to be welcomed so cordially by you^ 
and I bid you in return a cordial good-by. [Load cheers.] 

At Fishkill one of the largest and most enthusiastic crowds 
ever assembled there was gathered. Mr. Blaine said: 



I am greatly pleased to be so cordially welcomed by the citizens of 
the Hudson Valley, and especially of that part of the valley which is so 
rich in patriotic tradition. If there be any portion of the United States 
whose people should be naturally and instinctively patriotic, it is that 
portion which I see before me, and which must be insxjired by so many of 
the most inspiring incidents of the Revolutionary struggle. [Great 
cheering.] Thanking you again, gentlemen, for your kind greeting, I 
bid you good-by. [Renewed applause.] 

At Pouglikeepsie a dense mass of people thronged tlie 
tracks fronting the station, while the street over the tunnel 
above was crowded. It was estimated that 3,000 persons were 
present. JMayor "White of Poughkeepsie introduced Mr. 
Blaine, who, in a brief speech, thanked them for their kind 

When the train reached Hudson, Chairman Warren and 
IMr. Draper led Mr. Blaine to a platform, in front of which 
stood the uniformed campaign clubs. J. Eyder Cady, Chair- 
man of the Columbia County Committee, introduced IMr. 
Blaine, who said: 

I remember with great pleasure a visit I made to your city twelve 
years ago, when I met not so large a number as on the present occasion, 
and I now feel an additional pleasure in greeting you, who extend to me 
this cordial welcome to Hudson. My journey through your beautiful 
valley this morning has been one succession of compHments to me, and 
you add one not the least impressive of the many. I bid you a cordial 
farewell. [Enthusiastic applause.] 

The train arrived at Albany at 1 :45 P. IM. The demon- 
stration here was very large and wildly enthusiastic. About 
15,000 people were present. The Hon. Hamilton Harris 
introduced Mr. Blaine, who was received with great cheering, 
again and again repeated, so that he had to stand for quite a 
time before he could get a chance to speak. When order was 
restored, he said: 

I thank you, citizens of Albany, from the bottom of my heart for this 
magnificent welcome. I should be more or less than human not to be very 
deeply touched by your cordiality. I have nothing to offer in return but 
my sympathies and my thanks, but those I give you m full measure 
[cheers], and can only add a wish for your personal prosperity and for 
the prosperity of your beautiful, historic city — the Capital of your great 
State. Again, gentlemen, I thank you from my heart and bid you 


At Schenectady Judge Potter introduced Mr. Blaine, 
who said: 

I am not only very glad to have the pleasure of meeting the people 
of Schenectady, but I am much honored in being presented by Judge 
Potter, whom I have long known, and regard with respect and admiration. 
I am glad to be in the old Dutch town of Schenectady, which perpetuates 
so much of the glory of the old Knickerbocker civilization of New York, 
and which has done so much for the education and enlightenment of this 
country through that college over which EUphalet Nott presided. 

At Fonda, William J. Peacock introduced Blaine as " the 
friend of American industries." Mr. Blaine said: 

Gentlemen : Your very cordial greeting adds one other welcome to the 
many I have had since I left the great metropolis of your State this 
morning. I can never forget the great kindness with which I have been 
treated on my journey through New York so far, nor cm I ever forget 
the welcome you have given me here to-day. I thank you very sincerely 
for it and for all your kindness toward me. I know you will be pleased 
when I present to you a young man whom I have long known and 
esteemed as a friend, Mr. Howard Carroll. [Enthusiastic cheering.] 

Mr, Carroll made a brief speech. 

At Fort Plain John D. Wendell, Chairman of the County 
Committee, introduced Mr. Blaine, who said: 

I can hardly beheve, my friends, that what I have been passing 
through to-day is a scene in real hfe. It has seemed more hke magic to 
be whirled through your beautiful country at the rate of forty miles an 
hour, every few miles meeting a crowd of welcoming friends. I desire 
from my heart of hearts to thank you with all possible cordiality for the 
welcome you give me, to express my wish for you personally that you 
may have a continuation of the prosperity which the slightest glance 
shows now surrounds you, and my hope is that the great State of New 
York may be in all her material interests prosperous in the future as she 
has been so abundantly in the past. [Great applause.] 

Titus Sheard, Speaker of the Assembly, who lives at 
Little Falls, introduced Mr. Blaine at that place. He said: 

The forms of speech in which I can present my thanks for the kind- 
ness of your welcome have been almost exhausted in my journey through 
New York to-day, but I have had no reception anywhere more cordial or 
more hearty than yours, nor any for which I could offer thanks more 
sincerely. I have had a day of unmixed pleasure and delight — pleasure 
greatly enhanced by the evidences of prosperity I see around me on every 
side, by your beautiful homes, and by the smiling faces by which I have 
been everywhere greeted. [Tremendous cheering.] 


E. A. Brown introduced Mr. Blaine at Herkimer. Just as 
lie was about to speak some one in the crowd called out, 
"Gen. Spinner," "Gen. Spinner," as that gentleman was seen 
making his way toward the train. Mr. Blaine waited and 
helped him over the iron railing while the people cheered. 
When order was restored Mr. Blaine said: 

I consider it a very happy omen of my welcome that I am permitted 
to stand here beside my old friend whom I have known long and honored 
BO highly. I thank you, citizens of Herkimer, for your kind greeting. I 
thank you for the succession of gracious welcomes I have had to-day in 
this beautiful Valley of the Mohawk, and thank you all as citizens of 
New York, for tendering to me so generously the hospitalities of your 
great State. [Renewed cheers.] I have nothing to add except to again 
express my pleasure at meeting here a man who has rendered valuable 
services to his country in a post requiring great abiHty and integrity. 
[Loud cheers for Blaine and Spinner.] 

At Canastota Mr. Blaine was received with a round of 
cheers. He said: 

At the end of an entire day's journey you will expect from me, I am 
sure, only an acknowledgement of the courtesy and cordiahty of your 
welcome. If you could have seen what I have seen to-day, I beheve you 
would have an even more exalted estimate than you now have of the 
great State of which you are citizens. I thought I had known some- 
thing of New York, but I have seen more of its greatness and grandeur 
to-day than ever before. I thank you very seriously and bid you good- 

At Utica Mr. Blaine was introduced by William Hackett, 
of the State Committee, and was loudly cheered. He said: 

I thank you very sincerely, citizens of Utica, for this cordial greeting 
and this cordial welcome. It is a grand conclusion of the series of 
welcomes that I have enjoyed to-day in the Mohawk Valley, which have 
touched me very deeply with a sense of gratitude, which I confess to be 
greatly enhanced by this large demonstration of friendly welcome in the 
city of Utica. [Applause.] In return I can only express to you my 
appreciation of all the kindness I have received in the State of New 
York, my sincere wish for the prosperity of your city and your State, 
and bid you a cordial good-by. [Great applause.] 

At Eome Mr. Prescott, who introduced Gen. Garfield 
four years before, introduced Mr. Blaine. He said: 

The day which is now ending has witnessed a degree of enthusiasm 
in the Valley of the Hudson and the Valley of the Mohawk which I was 


-entirely unprepared to expect, and for the addition which you make to it 
I return my very sincere thanks. [Cheers.] 

At Syracuse there was a grand torch-light procession. 
The whole city seemed ablaze with torches and fireworks, 
and the entire population seemed to be on the streets. At 9 :30 
P. M. he reviewed the procession. In the carriage with him 
were his host, Senator McCarthy, James D. Warren, Chair- 
man of the State Eepublican Committee, and the Eev. 
Charlos Sims of Syracuse University. Mr. Blaine stood at 
the front of the stand for over forty minutes, bareheaded 
most of the time. The procession ended. Chancellor Sims was 
chosen to preside over the meeting. Mr. Blaine addressed 
the meeting. He said: 

This vast assemblage is far more eloquent than any words I could 
speak. It tells far more of th'> popular current and popular drift 
respecting public questions than anything I could say, and, therefore, 
respecting those topics I shall say nothing, and shall confine myself to 
simple but heartfelt thanks for so much of this grand demonstration as 
may in any degree be attributed to myseli: as a personal compliment. I 
am sure, however, that it would be great vanity in me to assume that 
more than a small part of it is so intended — that it is rather the expression 
of the people of this noble Empire State touching great public qaestions, 
which I shall leave to others to discuss when I bid you, as I do now, a 
cordial good-night. [Great and prolonged applause.] 

It was almost 11 o'clock when Mr. Blaine left the stand 
and returned to Senator McCarthy's house, where he passed 
the night. 


At 9:30 o'clock the following morning Mr. Blaine left 
Syracuse on a special train, to attend the fair of the Oswego 
Falls Agricultural Society. A committee from the Fair 
Association escorted Mr. Blaine and party to the grounds. 
As usual, he was compelled to hold an informal reception. 
When he got upon the stand he was loudly cheered. Mr 
Merriam, President of the Fair Association, introduced Mr. 
Blaine as one of America's most eminent and most honored 
citizens. Mr. Blaine waited for the cheering to subside, and 
then said: 

There is no year of the history of the United States in which, through 
all its borders, the agriculturist has rejoiced as he does this year. There 
are no poHtics in agriculture. [Applause.] The crop for Democrat and 
for RepubHcan is ahke good or ahke bad. The need of product is ahke 
to Democrat and to Repubhcan. We meet, therefore, on the agricultural 
fair-ground, if nowhere else, on the broad plane of American citizenship 
["Good! Good!" and cheers], which is a much higher title than Democrat 
or RepubHcan. [Enthusiastic applause.] It is in that capacity I stand 
before you this morning, and it is in that capacity I extend to you my 
congratulations and my very hearty thanks for your generous reception. 
[Great cheers.] 


At Auburn 10,000 people welcomed Mr. Blaine. His 
appearance was the signal for a great outburst of cheering. 
When it subsided, John T. Fowler, Chairman of the Cayuga 
County Republican Committee, announced that the Hon. D. 
M. Osborne had been chosen to preside. Mr. Osborne intro- 
duced him. Mr. Blaine spoke as follows : 

I thank you, citizens of Cayuga County, for this reception. T confess 
that I am glad to be here, I am glad to visit the home of William H, Seward. 
[Great cheering.] If there be among the statesmen of the past one who 
more deserves the admiration and gratitude of the American people than 
your great citizen, 1 do not know his name. ["Good! Good!" and 



cheers.] If there be a higher statesmanship in the annals of America 
than was shown by Mr. Seward from 1849 to the close of the Civil War, 
I know not where it was recorded, and we may all learn great lessons 
from recalling his history, and may well profit by his example. If we 
are RepubUcans, we shall be quickened in our zeal; and if Democrats, 
we shall learn toleration. [Applause.] If simply American citizens, we 
shall be warmed and stimulated in our patriotism. [Renewed applause, 
and cries of "Good! Good!"] It is as a humble representative of the 
^reat principles which Seward vindicated throughout his illustrious life 
that I am before you to-day. [Great cheering.] But I am not here to 
make a pohtical speech; I am here only to acknowledge with gratitude 
and thankfulness the great cordiahty of your reception, and to wish you 
abundant prosperity and happiness. 

At Seneca Falls there was a large gathering. Gen. IMur- 
ray introduced Blaine, who said: 

I thank you, gentlemen, for this cordial reception. I have almost 
exhausted my power to give thanks to the numerous assemblages that 
have greeted me so kindly on my present journey through the State of 
New York, but I wish to express to you my gratitude for the comphment 
you pay me, and to say that those of you who have not traveled (if there 
be now any Americans who have not), have Httle idea of the country you 
Hve in, and you should thank God daily, almost as the Pharisee, that you 
are not as other men are, for certainly there is not within the hmits of the J 
United States a land that seems to smile with greater plenty, or with 
greater beauty, than does this western section of New York. [Enthusiastic 


At Geneva ]VIr. Blaine was introduced by his namesake, 
IM. F. Blaine. IMr. Blaine briefly thanked the people for 
their kind reception, and then said: 

I could not, in justice to my feelings, pass through your beautiful 
town without paying a tribute of respect to the late eminent citizen 
whom you have lost. It was my good fortune to know Judge Folger 
personally and officially — to know him well — and I feel bound to 
bear testimony that he was one among the pubhc men of the United 
States who shortened his hfe by unselfish devotion to public duty. I 
am sure that in paying this testimony I am sustained by you, who knew 
him so well, and for so many years enjoyed his friendship. [Renewed 

Senator Lapbam joined tbe party at Geneva. 
At Phelps IVEr. Blaine bad to show himself. He was loudly 
cbeered. He merely bowed bis thanks. 


At Canandaigua there was a very large and enthusiastic 
crowd, who cheered Mr. Blaine vociferously when he 
appeared on the platform. Senator Lapham called the 
people to order, and said, as the train was late, he had only 
time to introduce Mr. Blaine without comment. 

Mr. Blaine said* 

I am greatly obliged to my old friend, Judge Lapham, for his kind 
words. I am still more obHged to this vast assemblage for this compli- 
ment they pay me as I am passing through the beautiful town, which is 
famed far beyond its borders, and is looked upon as one of the chief 
jewels in this expanse of beauty which Western New York presents. 
[Applause.] No one who journeys through your beautiful country, as I 
have journeyed to-day, can fail to be impressed with the splendid results 
worked out by the hands of an intelligent people, enjoying the blessings 
of free g vernment ; and if there be anywhere on the footstool of God a ^ 
people more blessed in basket and store than you are, I know not where 
to locate them. To be received so kindly by a people thus blessed is one 
of the chief compliments of my life, and I now bid you a cordial and 
grateful farewell. [Prolonged cheering.] 

At Batavia a delegation from Lockport, headed by W. O. 
Cobb, editor of the Lockport Journal, joined the party. A 
company with torches was at the station, with 1,000 or more 
people. William C. Watson introduced Mr. Blaine from the 
platform. Mr. Blaine said: 

I am profoundly obliged by your generous reception. I have 
reached almost the western end of your State, and from its great metrop- 
olis to this point I have received unmeasured kindness ; but it would be 
sheer vanity if I were to attribute these popular demonstrations to any 
mere personal motive. I know better ; I know these lavish compliments 
are intended, not for me personally, but as a mark of confidence in the 
great, and for twenty-four years triumphant, party which I have been 
chosen to represent. [Cheers.] The future of that great party is in the 
hands of the people — in the hands of the people of New York. I trust 
that it is in safe hands. I bid you good-night. [Enthusiastic and pro- 
longed cheering.] 

At Eochester Mr. Blaine was received by 20,000 people, 
who manifested the most intense enthusiasm. At the plat- 
form erected for Blaine's appearance, in front of the court- 
house, one could stand and see more than 15,000 people, all 
eager to catch the words from his lips. 


Leonard Burritt introduced Mr. Blaine, who spoke as 

I am sure that no desire to offer a personal compliment to any living 
man could have brought this vast audience together, and I have not 
the vanity to accept it as offered to myself individually. It is rather the 
expression by this great assemblage of the people of Western New York 
of their confidence in those principles which have brought prosperity to our 
country, and have builded your own beautiful city as one of the exemplars 
and illustrations of that prosperity. [Applause.] The Kepubhcan party 
embodies in its creed four distinct and important doctrines: First — Peace 
with the whole world. [Applause.] Second — Commercial expansion in 
every practicable direction, [xlpplause.] Third — Encouragement of 
every form of American industry. [Enthusiastic applause.] Fourth — 
Protection to every citizen, native or naturalized, at home or abroad. 
[Eenewed applause.] Under these policies the Kepubhcan party strives 
to conduct the Government. Under these policies the Kepubhcan party 
submits itself to the judgment of the American people. On these prin- 
ciples we conquer, or on these we are conquered. I thank you, gentle- 
men, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for whatever in this 
splendid ovation is personal to myself. But I ask your attention with 
especial emphasis to the importance of those positions to which I have so 
briefly adverted. To the latest hour of my life I never can forget this 
brilliant scene, nor can I mistake its wide significance. [Enthusiastic 
and prolonged cheering.] 


At Batavia a delegation of 120 gentlemen from Buffalo 
came on board the train. When the party arrived in the 
Buffalo depot, at 8 o'clock, there was already a great 
crowd. Mr. Blaine, escorted by Chairman Warren and the 
local committee, entered a carriage and passed up between 
rows of uniformed Plumed Knights and other political clubs, 
bearing torches, and for the ensuing three hours he was 
driven through the principal streets of the city, and received 
an ovation which it would ieike columns to describe. The 
people — men, women and children — were so densely packed 
together in the streets that the police had all they could do 
to make a way for the carriages. The wildest enthusiasm 
prevailed. A few minutes past 11 the procession passed the 
Tift House, and Mr. Blaine and his party went in by the rear 
entrance, the crowd in front being too great. Almost imme- 
diately Mr. Blaine had to show himself on the balcony, and 


there for the next hour he stood, reviewing the procession 
and bowing his acknowledgments of the enthusiastic demon- 
strations made by the people in the street. There were 
more than 10,000 men in line, and the local estimate was that 
at least 70,000 people were in the streets. The display of 
fireworks was very fine. It was very near midnight when 
the end of the procession passed the hotel, and Mr. Blaine 
stepped into the hotel from the balcony. 

The following morning, September 26, Mr. Blaine 
received the Ohio delegation, headed by Gov. Foster, which 
had come to escort him on his way. He was loudly cheered 
as he left the hotel, at 12:30 to take the train. 

He was accompanied by the Chautauqua County and Ohio 
delegations, the former headed by H. G. Brooks of Dunkirk, 
President of Brooks' Locomotive Works, and the latter con- 
sisting of ex-Gov. Foster, Judge Foraker, M. A. Hanna of 
Cleveland, and James Poindexter of Columbus. The first 
stop was at Dunkirk, where there was a large gathering. 
Mr. Brooks introduced him as "James G. Blaine, of Maine." 
Mr. Blaine said: 

For the last two days I have been Journeying through the heart of 
this great State, and have met everywhere the kmdest reception. You 
add another to the many compHments I have received, and I thank you 
very sincerely for all that your reception imphes. I don't in the least ^ 
flatter myself that these great popular demonstrations are to myself per- 
sonally. They are of a much higher and broader significance; they indi- 
cate the arousing of the people of New York to the great issues that are 
now embarked in a peculiar sense to their arbitrament. Of these issues 
it would be hardly becoming in me to speak ; so I content myself with 
renewing my acknowledgments for the great compliment you pay me, 
and give way to a distinguished New Yorker, who will speak to you on 
the questions of to-day. I will introduce the Hon. A. W. Tenney, of 
Brooklyn. [Applause.] 

At Westfield, the last station in New York at which the 
train stopped, the people had assembled in large numbers, 
many ladies being present. Mr. Blaine, on being intro- 
duced, was greeted with three cheers and a tiger. He said: 

I am glad, at the last station I shall stop at in New York, to have the 
opportunity of again expressing to New Yorkers my thanks for all the 
kindness I have received since I entered their State, and I thank you, 
people of Westfield, for this very kind reception. 



There was a fine demonstration at Erie before the train 
arrived at the station. As it was passing the Erie City- 
Boiler Works, the workmen ran out and cheered. At the 
station there were also about 3,000 people, full of enthusi- 
asm. Mr. J. T. Downing of Erie was heartily applauded 
when he introduced Mr. Blaine as "a son of our own soil; a 
grandson of our revolutionary hero; a man who to-day is the 
first in the hearts of the loyal people of America." When 
the cheering had subsided, Mr. Blaine said: 

Although it is thirty years since I was a citizen of Pennsylvania, 
there is no spot on earth where I feel more at home. [Applause.] The 
associations of my childhood, and of my young manhood, and all that I 
cherished in early life, are identified with Pennsylvania, and I always 
return to her with a feeling of affection which is not lessened, but deep- 
ened, by my long absence. I therefore feel to-day, in your kind recep- 
tion, that I am met by brethren, by friends — ^indeed, I might say by kins- 
men, because I hardly conceive it possible to assemble so large a number 
of Pennsylvanians anywhere upon the soil of the State without including 
some one with whom I am either nearly or remotely connected, [Renewed 
applause.] With all my attachment to the honored State of my resi- 
dence, in which I have spent nearly aU the years of my adult hfe, I have 
lost nothing of my love for old Pennsylvania. [Cheers.] I thank you 
sincerely for this domonstration of friendly regard, and with the haste of 
a traveler on an express train I bid you good-by. [Prolonged applause.] 



Soon after the train crossed the line between Pennsyl- 
vania and Ohio, it stopped at the little station of Conneaut, 
the first stop in the Western Eeserve. When the candidate 
appeared, accompanied- by Mr. Hanna of the Ohio committee, 
the people cheered wildly. Just as Mr. Hanna was about to 
introduce Mr. Blaine, ex-Mayor Cox, standing in the crowd, 
spoks as follows: 

It IS with pleasure that we welcome the illustrious citizen of Maine, 
the Hon. James G. Blaine, to the State of Ohio. [Cheers.] As you pro- 
ceed, sir, your welcome will become warmer and deeper; and when you 
arrive at the city that holds Garfield's dust, there will be the grandest 
ovation that that city has seen for many years. You are now, sir, on 
Ohio's soil. You are on the Western Reserve, the stronghold, I might 
say, of those principles which you have so ably defended in the past, and 
which we expect and know you will in the future maintain. Again we 
welcome you to the soil of Ohio. 

Mr. Blaine responded as follows: 

Ladies and Gentlemen : I count it a matter of good fortune, as it is 
certainly a source of gratification to myself, that I enter the State of 
Ohio through the old county of Ashtabula. [Applause.] I have never 
visited this county but with a warm welcome, to which you to-day add 
another. I thank you sincerelr, and bid you good-by. 

At Ashtabula there was another large and most enthusi- 
astic crowd. Mr. Blaine had to leave the train and mount 
a platform, where all the people could see him. Judge 
Sherman, of Ashtabula, welcomed him as follows: 

In behalf of the RepubHcans of Ashtabula County, I welcome you, 
Mr. Blaine, to Ohio and to this county. You now stand upon the soil of 
the Western Reserve, whose citizens have ever been distinguished for 
love of liberty and zeal for the rights of man and good government , 
distinguished also for the statesmanship of a Giddings, of a Wade, and 
of a Garfield, martyred in the cause of human freedom ; and we thank 
God to-day that the mantle of Garfield is about to fall upon you as the 



next President of the United States. [Great cheering.] Ton were his 
first Minister in the Cabinet, his close adviser and intimate friend in all 
the hours of his trial, in his short administration of this Government ; 
and upon your great bosom his head rested for comfort and consolation y^ 
when stricken down by the assassin. Your own State has spoken with a 
voice that is heard and shall be heard throughout this Union, defending 
you against the slanders of mahce, indorsing your integrity and your 
statesmanship. Ohio will speak the second Tuesday in October with a 
voice more intensified, and more tremendous in its consequences to the 
enemy, than Maine itself. This Western Reserve, ever true to liberty, 
stands in the deadly and imminent breach whenever it is necessary to 
defeat the enemy, and when she speaks it means victory for the Repub- 
lican party. I introduce to you James G. Blaine, the next President of 
the United States. [Enthusiastic applause.] 

Mr. Blaine said: 

Judge Sherman and Citizens of Ashtabula County: I have already 
said, upon the border of your State, that to me it is a pecuhar gratifica- 
tion that I enter Ohio through the county of Ashtabula. [Cheers.] In 
our poHtical divisions we look to States, and ordinarily the county is 
undistinguished beyond the limits of the State of which it is a part ; but 
there are a few counties in the Union, like St. Lawrence in New York, 
Lancaster in Pennsylvania, and Ashtabula in Ohio, that by the intensity 
of their convictions and the force of their action have borne themselves 
to the front so far that they become poHtical units in the contests of the 
Nation ; and if you get their temper stirred and their energies called forth, 
the consequence has generally been that the party which has defied them 
has been crushed in the conflict. ["Good!"] I hope that Ashtabula is 
aware this year of the responsibility that rests upon her. [" Yes, yes."] 
1 am glad to be welcomed within her borders. I come to this county 
always with a feehng of admiration for her people, and with a precious 
memory of the friendships I have enjoyed with its pubhc men. I thank 
you heartily for this kind reception, and betake myself to my farther 
journey through your State. [Enthusiastic cheering.] 

At Geneva the people shouted and cheered, and all 
wanted to shake hands with the distinguished candidate, as 
those did who were near him. Mr. Blaine thanked them 
for their kind reception. 

At Painesville the crowd was large and enthusiastic. 
Mr. Francis B. Grey, the Mayor, accompanied Mr. Blaine to 
the stand, and said: "Fellow-Citizens, the people of Gen. 
Garfield's old district need no introduction to James G. 
Blaine. I present him to you." [Great and prolonged 
cheering. ] 


Mr. Blaine spoke a few words of thanks, and then intro- 
duced the Hon. A. W. Tenney of Brooklyn, who made a 
brief speech, which was loudly applauded. Judge Foraker 
also spoke, and so did the Rev. Mr. Poindexter, of Ohio. 


As the train approached Mentor it slowed up, and finally 
stopped, to give those on board an opportunity to see the 
Garfield farm and catch a glimpse of the house through the 

Cleveland was reached at about 6. There was a great gather- 
ing in and around the depot. The winding roadway leading 
from the railroad level to the bluff on which the city stands 
was lined with men, women and children, and when Mr. 
Blaine came out of the depot and was driven toward his hotel 
he received cheer after cheer. The office and corridors of 
the hotel (the Kennard House) were crowded, and, as at 
other places, there were some policemen present to clear the 
way and keep order. Mr. Blaine went at once to his room, 
but was soon called out by the Young Men's Republican 
Club, who came to pay their respects. He reviewed them 
from the hotel balcony. 

In response to repeated demands for a speech Mr. Blaine 

I thank you for this cordial welcome to Cleveland — a city that I always 
visit with pleasure and leave with regret. I thank the young men 
who do me the honor to call upon me so promptly. I think it a hopeful 
and encouraging sign that in the year 1884 the young men of the United 
States, more than at any time I have known, are taking an active and 
prominent part in the National contest. I augur from it good results. 
Again I tender you my thanks for the kind reception you have given 
me, and bid you good night. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Blaine desired to be spared the fatigue of a recep- 
tion at the depot at Cleveland in order to save himself 
for the enormous reception planned for the evening, so his 
special train was run half an hour ahead of the time planned 
for its arrival, but in spite of this precaution there were a 
thousand spectators in the neighborhood of the monster Union 
Station. What was known as the "Cleveland yell" rang 


through the resounding arches of the station as Mr. Blaine 
alighted. He was driven swiftly to the Kennard House, 
where he was taken to his rooms, before his arrival had 
become generally known. Fifteen minutes after his arrival 
upwards of 10,000 people thronged about the hotel, calling 
"Blaine, Blaine.*' He responded by coming out for a moment 
or two. He then retired to his room, where he took dinner 
with his most intimate followers. 

The spectacl3 in the great square of Cleveland when even- 
ing came was one of surpassing beauty and extraordinary 
interest. The night was mild, almost as in midsummer. The 
square contains ten acres, studded here and there by elms. 
Chinese lanterns and thousands of bright decorations and 
lights hung from every available point. The buildings about 
the square were filled. The square itself was packed by 
8 o'clock, an hour before the procession had begun to move. 
The arrival of Gen. Logan in the afternoon had stimulated 
the excitement of the town. Early in the evening he had 
been driven about in an open carriage, followed by a cheer- 
ing platoon of mounted veterans. The principal stand was 
upon the eastern side of the square, just under the shadow 
of the Government building. The stand was large enough to 
accomodate 100 people. It was brilliantly illuminated by 
two strong electric lights in front of the spot where the 
Eepublican candidates were to appear together for the first 
time. In this corner the crush of the crowd was very great. 
It was only through patience that the host of watchers 
avoided a panic in the pressure. It was estimated that fully 
100,000 people stood in the square, while the left of Superior 
street — a very broad thoroughfare — was packed ^way to Erie 
street, a quarter of a mile away. It was thought by those 
who were present at the gathering at the Garfield funeral 
that the crowd in the Square was twice that in point of 

But this outdoor meeting was not all. At the Tabernacle 
5,000 people gathered to listen to Hannibal Hamlin, while at 
the Armory Building there was a gathering of 3,000. Cold- 
blooded observers estimated the number of people in the 


streets of the Forest City to be fully 150,000. These large 
figures may sound like exaggeration, but no exaggeration 
could improve the reality of the great demonstration. Judge 
Foraker at the main stand talked in a leisurely way to the 
crowd, to help pass the time, but few listened. The entire 
interest was concentrated in waiting for Blaine and Logan. 
Every distant cheer would turn a thousand heads, with the 
cries of "Here they come." In the neighborhood of 10 
o'clock the crowd became very impatient. They refused to 
listen to the local orators who tried to pacify them. It began 
to spit a few drops of rain about this time. This increased 
the impatience of the watchers. They began to shout "Blaine" 
until the shout went up like the roar of an angry sea. 

In the midst of excitement the face of Mr. Blaine appeared 
at one of the upper windows of the foremost building over- 
looking the principal stand. At this the hoarse roar of the 
crowd turned to a yell of delight. But even now the watch- 
ing was not at an end. It was fully ten minutes before 
Blaine appeared upon the stand, arm in arm with Gen. Logan. 
The rain had stopped. As the two candidates advanced to 
the front of the stand, in full glare of the dazzling electric 
light, they were greeted with a roaring shout that made even 
these two veterans blush for a moment. Both looked well 
and made a strong picture in their contrast with one another. 

After the parade Mr. Blaine was driven to Mrs. Garfield's 
house, where he remained quietly the gre'Bter part of the 
27th, seeing but few callers. He went out in the afternoon 
and visited Elyria, a place about thirty-five miles from 
Cleveland, in the county of Loraine. The meeting there 
had been arranged before it was known that Mr Blaine 
would not go beyond Cleveland until the 29th. The 
special train was absent from Cleveland only about three 
hours, as Mr. Blaine did not remain upon the stand at Elyria 
over fifteen minutes. In his talk he brought out distinctly 
the great issue in the State, again alluding to politics. The 
meeting drew out 3,000 people. On the way to Elyria quite 
a scene was made at the Lake Erie Iron Works. There, as 
the train slowed down, over 100 men, bareheaded, with their 


faces blackened, their heaving breasts and arms bared, just 
as they were in their work at the mills, came out yelling and 
running like madmen after the train. It looked more like a 
crowd of desperate men after some victim for Judge Lynch 
than friends. But when they reached the train smiles were 
seen under the soot, and the strong hands that reached up to 
Mr. Blaine were most expressive of good will. Mr. Blaine's 
hand was blackened and nearly pulverized by the grips of 
the iron men, but instead of showing signs of pain he actually 
looked more pleased than by any reception he had had in 
Ohio. At Elyria C. W. Johnson, Chairman of the County 
Committee, introduced Mr. Blaine, who said: 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: — This is not my first visit 
to your beautiful county. I recall with great pleasure a previous visit, 
when I was met as cordially as I am to-day ; and I knew of your county 
years before I had the pleasure of seeing it, for who does not know of the 
advanced stand and the great leadership which the county of Loraine 
took in the prolonged anti-slavery struggle? [Cheers.] It was your 
sturdy citizens and the great institution at Oberhn that disseminated 
those principles of freedom which made this northwestern county the 
vanguard in the contest with slavery. [Renewed cheering.] That con- 
test ended in victory, and another is now committed to your charge, and 
to-day in an emphatic sense to the leadership of Ohio. That is — all other 
questions laid aside — shall American labor be protected? [Great 

During the pending of the anti-slavery struggle there was no side 
issue that could divert the anti-slavery men of the Western Reserve 
from the one great absorbing question, and I believe that the same 
discipline of mind prevails now, and that no side issue will be permitted 
to divert you from the controUing question of this campaign. ["Good! 
Good ! "] I thank you, gentlemen, for your reception, and I consider that I 
have only indicated the subject upon which others will address you when I 
bid you a very cordial farewell. [Prolonged cheeriQg.] 

Mr. Blaine remained quietly at Mrs. Garfield's until 
4 o'clock in the afternoon of the 28th. A heavy rain poured 
down all day, and he did not visit the tomb of Garfield in Lake 
View Cemetery as he intended. Before dinner Senator John 
Sherman called on him, in company with Maj. William 
McKinley, Jr., and Mr. M. A. Hanna. The greeting between 
them was very cordial. The visit lasted for an hour. In the 
evening Mr. Hanna gave a dinner to Mr. Blaine and Senator 


Shermrai, at which the following, among other guests, were 
present: Senator Hannibal Hamlin, Maj. William McKinley, 
Jr., of Canton, Judge W. H. West of Belief ontaine. Walker 
Blaine, the Hon. A. W. Tenney of Brooklyn, N. Y., Post- 
master Manley of Augusta, ex-Congressman Townsend, Gen. 
Barnett, Collector G. W. Howe, William Chisholm, William 
H. Terrell, Col. W. H. Harris of Cleveland. 


Several hundred people were in the Lake Shore Eailroad 
Depot at Cleveland on the morning of the 29th, to see Mr. 
Blaine start. When he arrived at a few minutes before 9, 
he was loudly cheered, and the people gathered around the 
rear platform of the last car on the train and clamored for a 
speech. Just before the train started Mr. Blaine appeared 
on the platform and said: 

I have no speech to make, gentlemen, except to express the great 
pleasure I have enjoyed in my visit to this city during the last two days. 
I have renewed many old associations and made new ones, all of which 
have been most agreeable to me, and I depart this morning with a sense 
of having enjoyed myself as much as at any time in my Hfe. [Loud 

The start was then made. 

The first stop was at Elyria, the place visited by Mr. Blaine 
the preceding Saturday. There was a crowd at the depot 
who kept calling "Blaine, Blaine," "Bring him out." As the 
train moved off he stepped out on the rear platform, and the 
people gave him three cheers. At this station a delegation 
from Oberlin boarded the train, headed by the Hon. James- 
Monroe, ex-member of the House of Representatives. The 
Rev. Mr. Brand of Oberlin was one of the party. 

At Oberlin Mr. Monroe introduced Mr. Blaine, who, as 
soon as the applause with which he was received had 
subsided, said: 

Mr. Monroe, Ladies and Gentlemen: — I do not know any more 
appropriate thing for a candidate to do who represents Kepublican 
principles than to pay a visit to Oberlin, for if there be any one place in 
the United States above another where RepubUcan principles were 
planted originally, and matured and developed, and strengthened into 


fuU growth, it is Oberlin. [Applause.] The estabhshment ot this college 
fifty years ago, the radicalism, if you please^ which it taught from its 
start, the great battle it waged, the immense success it attained without 
donations from the National or the State Governments, but merely from 
the generous benevolence of men who beheved in the principles it rep- 
resented, mark it as an event not merely in the educational world, but in 
the pohtical world as well ; and I am glad to stand here to pay my 
tribute to this great institution, and to acknowledge as the representative, 
as I am for the time of RepubHcan principles, the debt which that party 
owes to the great institution at Oberhn. [Applause.] I thank you for 
your kind welcome to this place. I thank you for the generous out- 
pouring of this great audience. I thank you because I know what it 
represents and because I know that you know what I represent. [Enthu- 
siastic cheering.] If anything could add to my pleasure in this visit, it 
would be that I have been presented to you by one with whom I had the 
honor for many years to be associated in Congress, and whom I came to 
know and to respect and esteem, for in all my pubhc service I met no 
more honorable, no more pure, no more efficient member, than James 
Monroe of the Oberhn district. [Renewed applause.] Thanking you, 
gentlemen and ladies, again for your generous reception, I must bid you 

At IMonroeyille Mr. Blaine spoke a few pleasant words of 
acknowledgment and sliook hands with some of the people. 

At Sandusky IMr. E. B. King of Sandusky introduced IVIr. 
Blaine, who said; 

This is my third visit to the city of Sandusky, and I can not but recall 
my first. It was in the year 1848, thii-ty-six years ago. There was but 
one railroad line in Ohio extending from here to Cincinnati, with a gap 
in the middle that you had to travel by stage, and this end of it was what 
was in those days termed the old Mad River line, with strap-rails and a 
lively chance for "snake-heads" through the cars as one traveled at 
fifteen miles an hour. [Laughter- ] I recall this because it images to my 
mind, more than anythmg else I know, the gigantic progress of this great 
State, and if you here present — the great majority of you many years my 
junior — could see Ohio as it then was, contrasted with Ohio as it now is, 
you would thank God that you live under a free Government and have 
had the opportunity to work out these good results, and you would not 
think me trenching on partisan ground if I should remind you that by 
far the larger part of the progress that has been made in these intervening 
thirty-six years has iDeen made since the Government of the United 
States came under the control of the RepubHcan party, and the country 
has been blessed with protection to American labor and American capi- 
tal. [Applause.] To me the contrast of the scene of this hour with what 
I recall of the past is a lesson which I never can forget, and which I am 
sure you have learned already. 


Ex-President Hayes was on the platform at this point. 

At Norwalk Mr. Blaine and party were met by a large body 
of uniformed clubs, and escorted in procession through the 
town to a stand erected in front of the court-house, around 
which were assembled several thousand people. Ex-President 
Hayes was on the stand. Mr. Gardner introduced Mr. Blaine, 
who said: 

Mr. Gardner, Ladies and Gentlemen: — It was my pleasure eight 
years ago to give your beautiful town a visit, and to address a large 
audience of the Kepublicans of Huron County. I did it at that time in 
the interest of the election of a distinguished representative and noble 
son of Ohio, whom I am glad to see on this platform to-day — ex- President 
Hayes. [Applause.] I do not forget the hospitable welcome I then 
received, and I am impressed by its repetition to-day. [Applause.] I 
came then only as a private citizen. I come now in a different capacity, 
and I am sure that as a New England man on the Western Beserve of 
Ohio I am always at home. [Great cheering, and cries of " Yes, Yes," 
"Come again."] For the Western Reserve of Ohio is New England 
transferred to the shores of Lake Erie — yes, the equal of the good old 
land to the East, along the rock-bound coast of the Atlantic — and it is 
one of the chief honors of New England that its sons have borne the 
essential features of its civilization to this broad expanse of the West. I 
say, therefore, that when I come here I feel at home among you. I feel 
that on pubHc questions I think as you think, and represent the issues 
which you hold dear. ["Yes, yes," "good, Good," and cheers.] Permit 
me to thank you again for the great cordiahty with which you greet me, 
to wish for you in the future the great prosperity you have enjoyed in 
the past. [Prolonged cheering.] 

At the conclusion of his remarks Mr. Hayes stepped to 
the front of the platform. Mr. Blaine said: 

Ladies and Gentlemen : — I have the honor of introducing to you a 
man who needs no introduction to the people of Ohio, nor to the people 
of any of the thirty-eight States of this Union — ex-President Hayes. 
[Loud cheers.] 

Mr. Hayes said: 

My Fellow-Citizens of Huron County: — I am very glad to respond 
to the call that has been made. I am very glad to have the opportunity, 
in his presence, to thank my friend, Mr. Blaine, for the work that he did 
with you eight years ago [Applause.] I am very glad, indeed, to unite 
with you in honoring the RepubHcan candidate for President of the 
United States. [Cheers and cries of " Good, good."] I am very glad to 
meet this vast multitude of the citizens of Huron County, who have come 
here to see, and to hear, and to give a friendly greeting and an old- 
fashioned Ohio welcome to James G. Blaine. [Enthusiastic cheers] 


At Clyde a short stop was made to enable Mr. Blaine to 
be presented to a large crowd which, had assembled. He 
responded very briefly, paying a marked tribute to the 
character and career of Gen. McPherson, whose remains 
repose in a cemetery near by. 

At Fremont ex-President Hayes escorted Mr. Blaine to 
the platform, and introduced him to his friends and neigh- 
bors, asking for him a cordial reception as an old friend and 
as the standard-bearer of the Eepublican party. Mr. Blaine 
spoke as follows: 

It gives me great pleasure to be thus welcomed to Fremont, and to be 
introduced by ex-President Hayes to his neighbors and friends. I am 
glad to have an opportunity to say here that it was the enviable fortune 
of your distinguished fellow-citizen, as President of the United States, 
to leave the people of the country in a far more prosperous condition at 
the close of his administration than that in which he found them on the 
day of his inauguration, and that he steadily gained in pubhc esteem 
throughout his whole term of oflBce. I thank him and I thank you for 
this personal compliment and for its public significance, and I ask of you 
the considerate judgment which I know you will give to the weight and 
meaning of Ohio's voice in October. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 


Immediately upon arriving at Toledo, Mr. Blaine was 
escorted by the local committee to League Park, on the out- 
skirts of the city, where a meeting was in progress. As soon 
as it was known that Mr. Blaine had come, the people crowded 
into the park in large numbers, so that in a short time there 
were probably ten thousandrin and around the inclosure. Mr. 
Blaine's appearance on the stand was the signal for most enthu- 
siastic cheering. Mr. James H. Brown, Chairman of the 
Lucas County Committee, welcomed Mr. Blaine in a brief 
speech, and introduced him to the audience. Mr. Blaine said: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: — I should at any time deem it 
unprofitable to speak disrespectfully of pohtical opponents. I should, ia 
my present position, deem it altogether improper. I should rather be 
the victim of slander than the author of it. [Great cheering.] But there 
are some things which I do not deem it unbecoming in me, holding the 
position I do, to call your attention to. The Eepublican party has 
governed the country for twenty-four years in the spirit and according 
to the measures of a broad nationahty. The progress under our Govern- 


ment in that spirit has far transcended all the progress made in all the 
previous years of the Nation's history. [Applause.] To remand the 
Government now to the control of our opponents, who do not beheve in 
the constitutionahty of the measures which have given this progress, 
would be a step backward into the dark. [Enthusiastic applause, and 
shouts of " Correct ! Correct ! "] When we argue the question of protective 
tariff we are not permitted to regard it merely as one to be settled on the 
basis of expediency, because the large majority of our opponents hold a 
protective tariff to be unconstitutional. There is not one great measure 
that the Republican party has adopted, nor one great step *he party has 
taken since the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln in 1861, that the 
Democratic party has not opposed and has not considered unconstitutionaL 
[" That's so."] So that to-day to remand the Government of the United 
States to the control of the Democracy is not merely an ordinary change 
of parties. It is a total reversal of the entire poUcy that has distinguished 
the Government of the United States since 1861. [Renewed applause.] 
It is giving to the narrowing dogma of State rights the precedence m 
that grand march which has been made and which could only be made 
Tinder the banner of a broad nationaUty. ["That's right,*' and cheers.] 
It is on that great plane that the Republican party has done me the 
honor to present me as a candidate before you. [Applause.] It is on 
that plane, with all that it imphes, that I am before you and before all 
the people of the United States to-day. [Enthusiastic cheering.] 

A delegation of 100 leading merchants and business men, 
members of the Business Men's Club of Toledo, called this 
morning (September 30th) to pay their respects to Mr. 
Blaine. The meeting was quiet and informal. The Chair- 
man of the delegation assured Mr. Blaine of the earnest sup- 
port of the business interests of Northwestern Ohio. Mr. 
Blaine thanked the gentlemen, and remarked that the Eepub- 
lican ticket was certainly entitled to the support of the 
business men, because the contest was primarily and emphati- 
cally a contest for the preservation and promotion of the 
business interests of the country. 


At 9 o'clock Mr. Blaine was driven to the depot. Ex-Sena- 
tor B. K. Bruce, Emery Storrs, ex-Gov. Foster, Judge West, and 
Senator Plumb of Kansas were added to the party. 

At Bradner, a small station about twenty miles north of 
Toledo, there was a crowd which exploded an anvil aS a 
salute, but the train went past at full speed. The first stop 


was at Fostoria, the home of ex-Go v. Foster. There was a 
large gathering at the station, and when Mr. Foster presented 
Mr. Blaine the crowd broke into loud cheering. Mr. Blaine 
in a few words expressed his gratification at being introduced 
by Gov. Foster to the people of Fostoria. 

At Tiffin, there was a great crowd, and Mr. Blaine was 
received with cheering, shouting, and waving of flags. He 
was driven up into the town, where a stand had been erected, 
and where Mr. Blaine was presented to several thousand 
people. He said: 

Ladies and Gentlemen : When I was a school-boy in Southeastern 
Ohio forty-three years ago, this portion of the country presented a very, 
different appearance from what it presents to-day. Those forty-three 
years have been divided between Democratic rule and Eepublican rule 
and I leave to the voters of Northwestern Ohio to say under which 
there has been more rapid progress, not only in this section, but through- 
out the whole of this beautiful State, and, leaving you that subject to 
meditate upon, I leave you the whole controversy of 1884. [Loud 
applause.] I thank you for this magnificent reception. I see in the 
assemblage evidences of peace, plenty and prosperity such as are rarely 
equaled anywhere in the world, and never surpassed. It is in your own 
hands to say whether we shall enter upon a series of doubtful and danger- 
our experiments. [Bene wed cheering.] 

Emery A. Storrs of Chicago, followed in a spirited 
speech. At the depot Senator Bruce was called out and 
made a few remarks, which were well received. There was 
a great cheer for Blaine and Logan as the train moved off. 

At Kenton Gen. Eobinson introduced Mr. Blaine, who, as 
soon as he could get an opportunity to speak, said: 

I am very glad to be welcomed in the home of Gen. Eobinson, for 
the candidacy of Gen. Robinson, indorsed by this vast assemblage, is an 
important prelude to the National election of 1884, and the candidacy of 
Gen. Robinson, if sustained by Ohio, goes far to settle that contest. You 
see, therefore, what your duty is, and it is fortunate for Ohio that the can- 
didate selected to register her expression of popular opinion is a man 
trusted in every civil station, and with an enviable record as a soldier. 
So that the candidate is as strong as the cause, and no candidate can be 
stronger than the Republican cause. 

At Bellefontaine there was a large crowd. They received 
Mr. Blaine very enthusiastically, and he spoke a few words of 


thanks, disclaiming the honor for himself and attributing 
the enthusiasm of the people to their interest in the Eepub- 
lican cause. 

Amid the booming of cannc^n and the cheers of thousands 
of people Mr. Blaine stepped from the car at the Union 
Depot at Dajrfcon, September 30th. So anxious were the multi- 
tude to get near the distinguished gentleman that it was with 
much difficulty and the interference of the officers of the law 
that he finally was able to get into his carriage to be taken 
to the Beckel House. The party consisted of J. G. Blaine, 
"Walker Blaine, his son, Mr. Manley of Augusta, T. B. 
Loomis of the National Committee, Judge A. W. Tenney of 
Brooklyn, ex-Gov. Charles Foster, Gen. John L. Swift of 
Massachusetts, besides a number of newspaper representa- 
tives from all parts of the country. 

Thousands of people from all sections crowded about the 
depot, and it was with great difficulty that the carriage 
moved through the crowds. 

It was close on to 10 o'clock when the uniformed com- 
panies forced their way through the crowds and formed two 
lines up and down Main street for a distance of more than 
a quarter of a mile. Mr. Blaine and his company appeared 
on the scene amidst terrific cheers. Judge Haynes, who rode 
in the carriage with him, finally mounted the seat and com- 
manded a partial silence, when in a neat speech he introduced 
the distinguished statesman. Mr. Blaine finally made a 
short address, as follows: 

Ladies and Gentlemen: This vast assemblage of people is far 
beyond the reach of the human voice. A man might just as well stand 
at the the tip end of Cape Race and address the Atlantic Ocean in a , 
storm. But the effect of this grand spectacle is far beyond human expres- '^ 
sion, and speaks more eloquently than words for the Republican cause. 
"When I left home I heard that Ohio lacked enthusiasm. If this be a 
lack of enthusiasm, I would like to see you genuinely stirred up. This 
is a campaign of business men, of the manufacturer, of the mechanic, 
of the farmer — in short, of every one who has a dollar to earn or a dollar 
to save. It is a campaign intended to give protection to American labor, 
a campaign for America and not for any other country. I believe in 
that kind of a campaign. The voice of the State of Ohio can not and 
will not be doubtful. In that belief I leave it to you, and bid you a cor- 
dial good-night. 


October 1st. Mr. Blaine, accomi:)anied by ex-Gov. Foster. 
Senator Frye, and others, was driven out at 9 o'clock in 
the morning to the Soldiers' Home, near Dayton. He was 
received by the Governor of the Home, Gen. Patrick, and 
shown through the buildings and grounds. While he was 
inspecting the music-hall a large body of soldiers followed 
him in, and began calling, "Blaine, Blaine," "Speech, speech." 

Mr. Blaine thankod them for the kind reception they had 
given him, and remarked that the beauty and comfort which 
lie saw around him in this the chief soldiers' home in the 
country, confirmed him in his opinion as to the good of these 
institutions and rewarded him for the part he had taken as 
a member of the Military Committee of the House of Repre- 
sentatives in their establishment. 

While the train was waiting in the depot at Dayton, the fol- 
lowing morning, several hundred men, women and children 
gathered around, trying to get an opportunity to shake hands 
with Mr. Blaine. He was in his private state room, but they 
discovered him and crowded around the window. He shook 
hands with the ladies and children who could get near, but 
had to refuse to gratify the men, as his hands were getting 
sore from too frequent a repetition of the operation. One of 
the ladies who spoke to Mr. Blaine was a native of the town 
in Pennsylvannia where he was born. He seemed greatly 
pleased at meeting her, and talked a few minutes about old 
times there. Then a pretty little girl who wanted to kiss 
Mr- Blaine was held up, and when he kissed her the people 

At Urbana there was a fine demonstration. Mr. Blaine 
was escorted in a carriage by a large body of Plumed Knights, 
some on foot and some on horseback. A novel feature of 
this escort was a troupe of mounted women wearing white 
plumes. Many thousand people were assembled around a 
stand in the central square of the city, to which Mr. Blaine 
was driven. His appearance on the stand called forth an 
outburst of deafening cheers again and again renewed. After 
he had been introduced by Mr. Warnett, the Chairman of the 
ocal committee, he stood for some seconds viewing the stir- 
ring scene, and then said: 


The most important act of the old confederation, after the original 
thirteen States had acquired their independence, was the formation of 
the Northwest Territory, piously dedicated to free labor by the wise 
statesmen oi the Revolution. From 1787 that territory, divided among 
five great States, of which Ohio is the oldest, has been the abode of 
an industrious, honest, inteUigent population. They have maintained 
liberty and civil government, and have acquired great wealth. I see 
before me a vast assemblage of those who were born on the soil of that 
territory, and I wish to call their attention to this fact, that of all the 
great wealth it now represents much the larger portion has been pro- 
duced and acquired since the Repubhcan party came into power in 1861. 
That wealth has been produced and acquired under the influence of a 
wise financial system and under the encouragement of a protective tariff. 
And to the five States carved out of that Northwest Territory is now in a 
pecuhar and emphatic sense remanded the question whether this financial 
and industrial system shall be maintained. Ohio is the first to speak, 
and the Nation awaits her voice. 

At Springfield, which is largely a manufacturing town, 
all the shops had closed in order to give the working- 
men an oppoitunity to see Mr. Blaine. . As soon as the peo- 
ple gathered around the depot and saw him they cheered, 
shouted, and made all kinds of uproarious demonstrations. 
Being introduced by Mr. B. H. Warder, the Chairman of the 
meeting, Mr. Blaine said: 

I have the pleasure of addressing a community peculiarly devoted to- 
manufacturing — a community deeply interested in the industrial system 
of the United States; a community specially alhed with the agricultural 
development of the United States. You manufacture a great variety and 
great number of agricultural implements. But for the ingenious imple- 
ments which you turn out the wheat crop of the United States could not 
be harvested. That wheat crop is so immense that its harvesting begins 
in Texas in May and proceeds northward at the rate of about eleven 
miles per day, and winds up in September on our northern border, run- 
ning for more than 100 days at about eleven miles per day. [Applause.] 
Now, do you think it good poHcy to have these agricultural implements 
imported from abroad, or do you prefer to make them at home? WeU, 
my friends, there is one pohcy of the Government that encourages their 
manufacture at home; and there is another which would send their 
manufacture abroad. This latter pohcy would force great numbers now 
engaged in manufacturing to turn farmers, and thus still further glut the 
wheat market — increasing production, decreasing consumption at home, 
and necessarily reducing the profits of agricTilture. You have the oppor- 
tunity at the approaching election to tell which policy you think best, 
and I do not beheve that you need any instruction from me as to your 
interest or your duty. 


Here the President of the Cincinnati Exposition and 
other gentlemen connected with it came on board, also a 
delegation 200 strong from the Lincoln Club of Cincinnati. 

At Hamilton the Hon. H. L, Morey introduced Mr. Blaine 
as the most distinguished representative of the American 
flag. The great crowd cheered heartily and repeatedly. 
When order was restored Mr. Blaine said: 

Citizens of Ohio : It is now forty years since the question of protective 
tariff engaged the attention of the American people as profoundly as it 
does to-day. It was in the contest between Mr. Clay and Mr. Polk in 1844 
that the great National debate on the question took place, and the pro- 
tective tariff was defeated, not by the popular vote, but by the bad faith of 
the party which succeeded in tho election; and I beg to call your attention 
— the attention of a large manufacturing population — to the fact that the 
policy of protecting American industries has never been defeated in the 
United States by the popular vote. [Great cheering.] A contrary policy 
has been forced on the people at different times through the bad faith of 
their representatives, but never, I repeat, by a popular vote upon a delib- 
erate appeal to the people in their primary capacity. [Eenewed cheer- 
ing.] It therefore would seem to be the duty of the people of the United 
States, if by a majority they believe in the pohcy of protection, to see to 
it that the party is sustained which can be trusted to uphold it. Yes, but 
said a gentleman to me yesterday, "Protection does not always secure 
abundant prosperity; there are a great many idle men now in the country." 
Well, grant it; there has never yet been a pohcy devised by the art of man 
that will insure through all times and seasons a continuous flow of pros- 
perity. But the question is whether over a given series of years there 
has not been a larger degree of prosperity to the people under the policy 
of protection than under the pohcy of free trade. The question is to be 
gauged and tested not by the experience of a single year, but by the 
experience of a series of years. We have had a protective tariff now for 
more than two decades, and I ask you whether there has ever been 
another period in which the United States has made such progress as 
during the last twenty years? But it is true now and then there will 
come a little lull and a httle reaction in business. There will come a 
httle lull and a httle reaction even in the laws of Nature. You had a great 
drouth in Ohio this year, but you do not on that account avow that you 
will have no more rains. [Great cheering.] On the contrary, you are the 
more firmly persuaded that rain is the only element that will restore 
fertility to your soil, verdure to your fields, and richness to your crops. 
So in this little slough, this little dullness in the business in the country, 
the one great element that can be relied on to restore prosperity is the 
protective tariff. [Kenewed cheering.] The question, then, is for Ohio 
to decide. The 14th day of this month you will have an opportunity to 
tell the people of the United States whether you believe in that doctrine, 


If you do, you will secure not only its continuance, but its permanent 
triumph. [Applause.] But if, on the other hand, you should falter and 
fall back it might produce disaster elsewhere. The responsibiUty is on you. 
Is your courage equal to your responsibihty? Is your confidence equal to 
your courage? Then I have nothing more to say, except to bid you 


At Glendale and Loveland the people cheered as the train 
slowed up, and at 3 :40 it ran into the depot at Cincinnati^ 
Here a great crowd was waiting. 

As soon as Mr. Blaine appeared there was a scene of wild 
excitement and confusion. The people cheered and yelled 
and pressed around him so that it was impossible to keep an 
avenue open by which he and his party could reach their 
carriages. Mr. Hanna, of the Kepublican State Committee, 
and Judge Foraker escorted Mr. Blaine, and they had to 
struggle out through the cheering crowd. Mr. Blaine was 
driven slowly along Fourth street. The sidewalks were 
fully occupied all the way, Windows were decorated, and 
every window and doorway was crowded with spectators. 
When the carriage turned from Fourth street into Vine street 
to go to the Burnet House it passed through a dense mass of 
people, filling Vine street above and below the hotel for a 
long distance, who cheered and shouted, and waved handker- 
chiefs and flags, and made almost every possible demonstra- 
tion of enthusiasm. They continued shouting "Blaine !"^ 
"Blaine!" until Mr. Blaine came out on the balcony at the 
corner of Third and Vine streets. Here Judge Foraker 
presented him to the people. When Mi\ Blaine got a chance 
to speak he said: "I thank you and all the good people in 
Cincinnati for this cordial, hearty, and magnificent reception." 
The crowd cheered again and again as Mr. Blaine retired 
into the hotel. 

In the multitude which received Mr. Blaine at Cincinnati 
were many workingmen. At 6:30 Mr. Blaine was escorted by 
the Reception Committee, of which Mr. AVilliam Dudley was 
Chairman, to the Exposition Building, which was already 
crowded. For a while Mr. Blaine held an informal reception 
in the Commissioner's office, where some gentlemen and 


many ladies were presented to him. Then he was escorted 
to the stage, and, upon being introduced, was greeted with an 
outburst of applause from all parts of the hall. Mr. Blaine 

Ladies and Gentlemen : I thank you for the cordiality of your wel- 
come. I am glad to be in Cincinnati. I am glad to be able to recall old 
asssociations and to form new ones. It is forty years this year since I 
first saw your city, so that I am enabled to measure for myself its mar- 
velous progress. I remember it as a city of 40,000, and I see it 
to-day a city of nearly 400,000 — a city not only with all the great 
railway transportations of the country favoring its growth, but con- 
nected with an inland navigation of nearly 20,000 miles, and as it is 
situated as near to the Gulf of Mexico as it is to the Atlantic Ocean, its 
future growth is assured. The grandeur of its future needs no vouching 
and no prophesy. I congratulate you on what you have done; I congratu- 
late you still more on what is before you. These expositions are now 
only a little more than thirty years old. Just a third of a century ago 
the Prince Consort of England was the originator of what in 1851 was 
called the World's Fair. It was then regarded as the marvel of three 
continents; yet we have lived to see it far excelled in the United States' 
display in the year of our centennial. [Applause.] You treat yourselves 
to an exhibit which marks the progress not alone of your own city but of 
the whole country. You have before you in these halls an epitome of the 
growth of the country of which you form so important a part. The growth 
of the country promises to be unlimited, and in that fact Cincinnati reads 
her destiny. [Enthusiastic applause.] Thanking you again for the very 
kind welcome you give me to your beautiful city, and asking for you a 
prosperity proportioned to your enterprise and your merits, I bid you 
good evening. [Prolonged applause.] 

Senator Sherman, Judge Foraker, and Congressman Follett 
also made remarks. After the speaking IMr. Blaine was given 
a complimentary dinner by the Commissioners of the Expo- 
sition. The party dined in an apartment adjoining the 
Exposition restaurant, and opening into the public part of the 
building. While the dinner was going on the people outside 
got as near the entrance as the police would permit and, sent 
forth at intervals cheers and calls of "Blaine!" "Blaine!" At 
last IVIr. Blaine had to rise from the table and go to the door 
and show himself. He stood a few seconds bowing, while the 
crowd cheered, and then resumed his seat, and soon after, at 
about a quarter before 10 o'clock, retired from the hall and 
was driven to his hotel. The occasion was, of course, entirely 


non-political, and tliere was no speaking at the dinner, at 
which several locally distinguished Democrats were present. 
At 12:30, October 2, Mr. Blaine was escorted to the Cham- 
ber of Commerce, where he was very warmly received, being 
introduced by Capt. W. W. Peabody. Mr. Blaine said: 

Gentlemen of the Chamber of Commerce: I quite appreciate the 
personal courtesy and compliment in times of high political excitement, 
of a body composed of members of both parties receiving me thus 
cordially in my present position, and I beg to thank you for it sincerely. 
I always take the greatest pleasure in visiting your city. Eight years 
ago, on the occasion of my last visit, I was comphmented by this Cham- 
ber as I am to-day. I watch the progress of this city with great interest. 
It has been to me from my earUest boyhood an object of interest. I was 
bom and reared on the waters that connect directly with Cincinnati, and 
I can say what probably no other man here present can say — that in my 
early manhood I made fifteen trips between Pittsburgh and Cincinnati 
on steamboats on the Ohio River. That refers to an age now almost ante- 
diluvian. [Laughter.] The railway has taken the place of the steam- 
boat, and yet, as I have said in Congress and on every pubhc occasion 
where it was proper that I should say it, I think the great Western cities 
do not fully appreciate the magnitude of the value and the advantage of 
this vast inland navigation stretching onward to the Gulf, which affords 
an outlet for a vast growth, and gives in a substantial form, by Nature's 
own bountiful hand, that great demand of all commercial transactions — 
cheap transportation. [Loud applause.] I thank you again, gentlemen, 
for your courtesy, and shall not, in a temperature of 90 degrees, delay 
you longer. 

During the whole day the admirers of Blaine and Logan 
kept the Burnet House and its neighborhood as noisy and 
crowded as a National convention hall. Upon Mr. Blaine's 
return from his drive he had the usual difficulty in getting to 
his room, and when he did get there he was not allowed to 
remain, for the people outside were provided with a brass 
band, and kept up a constant storm of martial music and 
cheering until Mr. Blaine and Gen. Logan were forced to 
show themselves on the hotel balcony. They bowed and 
spoke a few words of thanks, and then retired amid the 
acclamations of the crowd. Later, Gen. Logan left the 
hotel to visit the Exposition, and again there was uproarious 

During the day Mr. Blaine received delegations from 


Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, West Virginia, and 
Tennessee, who requested him to go to Indiana, Illinois, and 
West Virginia, and expressed regret that he could not visit 
the other States named. Late in the afternoon a delegation 
of 400 business men of Cincinnati called to pay their 
respects and give assurances of support. Also a body of 
twenty-five German citizens. 

At 7 :30 Mr. Blaine again left the hall to attend a recep- 
tion tendered him by the Lincoln Club. The rooms were so 
thronged that it was found impossible to present the guests or 
members of the club formally to Mr. Blaine, so that the pres- 
entation had to be made in a wholesale manner. Mr. Blaine in a 
few pleasant words thanked those present for their kind recep- 
tion. Outside the club-rooms were probably 3,000 people in 
ihe streets, who kept calling for "Blaine," "Blaine." He 
came out on the balcony and acknowledged the compliment. 
Then they called for Gen. Logan, and he appeared and spoke 
a few words of thanks. Both gentlemen then returned to 
the Burnet House in time to review the great torch- 
light procession. Long before this a great crowd of 
people had assembled in front of the Burnet House, on 
Vine street and along the Third street side, and at short 
intervals they cheered and yelled, and called "Blaine," 
"Blaine," "Logan," "Logan." Mr. Blaine's appearance on 
ihe balcony was the signal for a wild outburst of cheering, 
which was several times renewed before he was formally 
introduced. He chatted with the invited guests on the bal- 
cony for some time, but the calls became so urgent that he 
had to step to the front again, when ex-Congressman But- 
terworth presented him to the people as the distinguished 
gentleman for whom they intended to vote in November. 
There was tremendous cheering. Mr. Blaine stood gazing 
on the scene until there was some approach to order, 
when he said: 

And no human voice could reach them, because of the great multi- 
tude thereof. [Cheers.] I congratulate the EepubHcans of Cincinnati 
upon their numbers, upon their enthusiasm [cheers], upon their deter- 
mination to win. [Tumultuous cheering.] I thank them for their kind- 
ness, their cordiality, their heartiness. 


As Mr. Blaine stepped back the crowd cheered, and 
yelled, and waved their hats, and made all kinds of enthusi- 
astic demonstrations for several minutes. 

Mr. Butterworth then introduced Gen. Logan as an 
eminent statesman and an incomparable soldier, who had 
never lost a battle, and would never lose one. Gen. Logan's 
reception by the people was similar to Mr. Blaine's. He 
remarked that if the polls were open then and all pres- 
ent voted the Eepublican ticket, the result of the election 
would certainly be determined. Then he went on to say a 
good word for the Eepublican State and Congressional 
tickets. When he came to speak of the Eepublican candi- 
date for the Presidency, he was proceeding to describe him 
in complimentary terms, when his voice was drowned by 
cries of "Blaine!" "Blaine!" "James G. Blaine!" 

After the procession and the speaking were over, at 1 
o'clock in the morning the Young Men's Blaine Club sere- 
naded Mr. Blaine. In response to their call he appeared at 
the window of his room and said: 

Young Men: The giants of mythology typified the strength of young 
men. In the enlightened era of the Christian dispensation young men 
were called to the work because they were strong. To-day the strength 
of the EepubUcan party is in the young men of the country, of whom it 
possesses a vast majority. [Cheers.] The young man is always good for 
two votes — his o"\vn and the one he brings. [Cheers.] No party in the 
history of this country was ever beaten that had the sympathy and sup 
port of the young men of the country. [Cheers.] And it has been the 
chief gratification of a tour which I have made from our great commer- 
cial metropohs to your beautiful city, that everywhere I have found the 
young men on our side. [Cheers.] You are in the morning of hfe. The 
day is before you, and your strength is equal to it. [Cheers.] You will 
have the fashioning of the Republic, of, its strength, its prestige, its 
glory, its destiay, long after the generation to which I belong shall have 
passed away. See to it that it is kept in your power, and that your 
hands, clear, pure and strong, shall bear up the ark of the covenant. 
[Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.] I bid you good -morning. Let 
us turn together to the duties of a new day with its responsibilities, and,.. 
I hope, with its rov/ards. [Renewed cheering. 1 



Among tlie delegations who called upon Mr. Blaine in the 
Queen City was one of over forty Israelites. Their intention to 
pay their respects to Mr. Blaine had not been made known, 
and the call caused considerable curiosity as to what it 
signified. Meeting Gen. Seasongood, a correspondent 
asked him for information regarding the visit. "We 
called," was the reply, " simply to pay our respects as indi- 
viduals. There was some talk of our calling as an organ- 
ized body, but we decided that such a course might be con- 
strued as having some partisan purpose, and the idea was 
abandoned. We desiied simply to express our thanks to 
Mr. Blaine for the interest he took in the oppressed of our 
race, particularly the Eussian refugees, while he was Secre- 
tary of State. We admired and felt grateful for the spirit 
and purpose of his action, and wished to so express our- 
selves. For that reason I would not like to give you the 
names. Samuel W. Frost, Abe Meyer, and myself you 
know, but we are Republicans and don't care. Eeally, I 
think the names of the callers ought not to be published. 
They are among the first business men in the city, and there 
is no knowing what construction might be put upon our 
visit, or the annoyance that might result to some of us. Mr. 
Blaine received us very cordially, and thanked us for the 
call. I am glad we went." 


Mr. Blaine and party left Cincinnati, October 3d, at about 
10 o'clock by a special train on the Little Miami Boad. The 
crowd at the depot and the *workingmen in the shops facing 
the track cheered Mr. Blaine as the train moved out. The 
first stop was at Milford, where there was a good-sized meet- 
ing. Mr. Blaine was warmly received, and he spoke a few 
words of thanks. 

At Morrow, in Warren County, there was a fine demon- 
stration. The party left the train, and Mr. Blaine's carriage- 


was escorted by the local committee and n troux) of mounted 
Plumed Knights to a picturesque spot outside the town, where 
several thousand people were assembled. The speaker's 
stand faced a side hill, beautifully headed by large trees, 
and the form of the ground made the audience appear as if 
seated in a theater. Judge O'Neil, of Lebanon, introduced 
Mr. Blaine, who was received with cheering. He thanked 
the people for their kind reception, reminded them that 
Thomas Corwin, one of the great champions of the protective 
system, had represented Warren County in Congress, and 
expressed the hope that the earnestness and ardor of the 
people in relation to that question would be as great in 1884 
as Mr. Corwin had made it in 1840. Gen. Swift of Boston 
spoke briefly after Mr. Blaine. 

There was a great turnout at Xenia. Mr. Blaine was 
received by the local committee and escorted by the Plumed 
Knights, mounted and on foot, through the principal streets. 
Nearly every house was decorated, and the people in the 
streets numbered at least as many as the entire population 
of the city, there being a very large attendance from the 
adjacent country. When the procession reached the stand 
Mr. Blaine was received with loud cheering. He was pre- 
sented to the people by the Rev Dr. James Gillespie Carson, 
a prominent Presbyterian clergyman of Xenia, and he said: 

By a coincidence which is interesting to me I was here eight years 
ago this day to address a Eepublican meeting in the interest of the elec- 
tion of an Ohio statesman to the Presidency. The man then elected 
President gave way, after an excellent Administration of four years, to 
another Ohio statesman who, after an agony that touched the sensibiHties 
of the whole world, sleeps in an honored grave. But with these changes 
some things have remained permanent, and among these are the founda- 
tion principles of the Repubhcan party They remain, and the contest 
for their maintenance recurs again after four years, and after eight years 
the appeal is again made to the people of Ohio, who hold to-day, as 
they held then, the post of responsibiUty and the post of honor — for the 
post of responsibility is always the post of honor [Applause.] It is for 
the Eepublicans of Ohio to say whether the principles on which they 
elected Hayes and on which they elected Garfield are still vital and still 
represent their convictions. 




At South Cliarleston Mr. Blaine left the train, and was 
driven a short distance to where a large meeting was in 
progress. Gov. Long, of Massachusetts, being among the 
speakers. The regular proceedings were suspended in order 
that Mr. Blaine might be presented to the people. He was 
very warmly received, and he spoke a few words in acknowl- 
edgement of the compliment, but declined to further inter- 
rupt the meeting. In this, as in all the other gatherings 
to-day, there were inany women. 

The demonstration at London was one of the most 
enthusiastic and beautiful on the whole route. From the 
station Mr. Blaine's carriage was escorted by mounted 
Knights, women and men in equal numbers, while the proces- 
sion moved along between two lines of uniformed men, mem- 
bers of the local Republican clubs. Across the streets at 
short intervals were flags and banners with such mottos as 
" Cleveland, England, and Free Trade — Blaine, America, and 
Protection." Upon the front of the stand was the inscription: 
"London, England, for Cleveland; London, Ohio, for Blaine.'' 
Mr. Blaine passed to the stand between two lines of little 
girls dressed to represent the thirty-eight States. The 
girls representing Maine and Ohio stood together by the 
chair that had been provided for the distinguished guest. 
When he was introduced by the Hon. John F. Locke, he was 
most enthusiastically cheered. He said: 

It has been the singular good fortune of Ohio on several great occas- 
ions to lead the people of the United States to important decisions. 
That responsibihty rests this year on Ohio perhaps more emphatically 
and more significantly than ever before. I was induced by pressing invi- 
tation from your State Committee and from many friends to visit your 
State, but was warned that I might find a campaig*n of apathy. [Derisive 
laughter.] I see it before me. [Kenewed laughter. ] I have seen it from 
the moment I touched your State on the lake shore. I went across its 
northern border and along its western border, and have thus far prog- 
ressed in penetrating the center, and I am prepared to believe that the 
decision with which Ohio is charged to-day may prove in the end as valu- 
able to good government as her great loyal vote of 1863. [Great cheer- 



At 9:30 the Columbus escort committee, consisting of Col. 
C. H. Moore. Mr. Miles, John H. Ellis, A. G. Patton, John 
Joyce, Luther Donaldson, James Clark, and Chas. Frank, left 
for Xenia, where they met the Blaine train, to act as an escort 
to the distinguished guest. The train arrived at 5 o'clock, 
railroad time. The various uniformed Blaine and Logan 
Clubs of the city, numbering some 2,000 persons all told, 
met at High and Chestnut streets, and formed in line under 
command of Col. Freeman, and acted as an escort to the 
Presidential candidate and party from the depot to the resi- 
dence of Mr. Henry Miller, East Broad street. It had been 
arranged as far as possible to have the locomotives and work- 
shops blow a chorus of whistles on the arrival of the party. 
As Mr. Blaine alighted from the train he was received on 
behalf of the city by Mayor Wolcutt and a committee from 
the Council and city officials. The Mayor delivered a few 
words of welcome, to which Mr. Blaine responded briefly, 
and then entered his carriage. 

The procession did not move as early as advertised, and 
this caused the crowd to become somewhat uneasy, thereby 
necessitating that something should be done, and no one saw 
it any sooner than Gov. Foster, who appeared on the platform 
and said: 

Fellow-Citizens of Columbus: If ever a man was the candidate of 
his party, if ever the sentiments of the RepubHcans of this great country- 
were represented by a popular candidate, it was when James G. Blaine 
was nominated at Chicago. [Loud cheers. A voice — " Garfield's friend."] 
Yes, Garfield's friend, and if ever the choice of the people for Vice- 
President was reflected by a National Convention it was when the brave 
John A. Logan was unanimously nominated. [Loud cheers.] When the 
procession is passed there will be some speaking at the different stands. I 
now have the great pleasure of introducing to you James G. Blaine, your 
candidate for President. [Applause.] 

Mr. Blaine then spoke as follows : 

Fellow-Citizens : I can say with some pride that I am not a stranger 
in Columbus. [Applause.] I was here long before the great majority of 
you were bom — forty-three years ago [enthusiastic cheers]— and I have 
visited your city at short intervals since, and have kept in my own mind 


and my own sight tlie record of its splendid growth and advancement. 
I never visited it under more pleasant circumstances than this evening. 
[Loud cheers.] I thank you with a sense of profound gratitude for the 
cordiaUty of your welcome. [A voice: " You ain't got half what we can 
show you." ] And yet I know very well you would deem it the greatest 
vanity in me to attribute this reception to myself personally. [A voice: 
" Yes it is."] It is because for the time I represent in a great National '-^^ 
contest tho principles which you uphold. [Tumultuousapplause and 
•cries of " Good, good; that is it."] I beg to call your attention to the fact 
that, whereas there may be many issues of greater or less magnitude 
involved in a National election; there is always one great controlling 
issue that enters into the popular mind, and that issue this year, palpably 
and distinctly marked, is the protection to American industries [vocifer- 
ous cheering]; and as bearing on that and illustratiag it I wish to call 
your attention to the fact that when the Eepublican party came into 
power by the election of 1860 the total wealth of the State of Ohio was a 
little over $1,100,000,000. In twenty years from that time it was $3,200,- 
000,000. [Immense applause.] Under twenty years of a protective tariff 
you advanced in wealth double the amount that you had acquired in all 
the previous history of your State. [Great applause, and cries of " That 
is it."] Now, do you wish to give it up? [Prolonged cries of "No," 
^•'No."] You have not a conspicuous speaker in Ohio to-day representing 
the cause of our opponents who is not a free-trader. There is not a 
speaker of any kind representing the Republican party who is not in 
lavor of a protective tariff. [Great applause.] The issue, therefore, is 
broad and distinct between the parties. [A cry of " We hee^d it here last 
week.''] Now, what we mean la not to give up our own market, but to 
acquire new ones, and we want a great, broad, peaceful, continental 
American policy. [Prolonged cheers.] We want a great market for the 
manufacturing industries of the State of Ohio [tremendous cheering], and 
instead of waiting for the manufactureTs from abroad to compete with 
ourselves at home the Republican pajty proposes to seek distant markets 
for our own surplus manufactures. [Loud cheers.] That issue is so 
conspicuous that yon cannot mistake it, and it is so distinct that I can 
not make it plainer by argument. The decision rests with you [a voice: 
"We know it"], and I believe it is in safe hands. [Cries of "Hear," 
^'Hear."] Gov. Foster, in introducing m.e to-night, cut himself short, 
and I am very sure he is desirous of making a speech, and I therefore 
introduce him to you. [Long and continued applaiuse and cries of " More, 


Congressman Finerty was then introduced by Gov. Foster 

in complimentary terms, and was warmly greeted. He said : 

That after witnessing perhaps a thousand great political meetings 

his eyes had never rested on so grand an assemblage as that before him. 


Their presence in such magnificent numbers was sufficient answer to the 
insulters and calumniators of the great American who was their Presi- 
dential candidate. He (the speaker) represented in his sentiments that 
element of the Democratic party which had been outraged by the nomi- 
nation of Grover Cleveland at Chicago. [Cheers.] Ho was proud to be 
a rebel against such a nominee. He preferred to stand by the man who, 
by his career in Congress and in the Cabinet, had established a true 
American pohcy. [Cheers.] He believed in the principle that proclaimed 
America dominant on this side of the ocean. 

In this contest there were two sets of principles to be considered. 
One set, that of the Cobden Club, was represented by Grover Cleveland 
and indorsed by the British press. The other set, protection to Ameri- 
can industries and the extension of American commerce by closer and 
more liberal relations with Mexico and South America, was represented 
by J. G. Blaine. [Cheers.] No true American could hesitate as to his 
proper course. American principles should prevail upon American soil. V 
In that great outpouring of the people, who were stirred by a glorious 
enthusiasm, Mr. Blame, if he needed vindication, stood vindicated. 
They would bury under the weigth of their ballots forever out of sight 
the blackguards who had heaped msult and and outrage upon him. 
[Prolonged cheering.] When Mr. Blaine passed through London, Ohio, 
that morning a young American girl waved at the head of the procession 
a flag which bore upon it the words: " London, England, is for Cleve- 
land; London, Ohio, is for Blaine." [Cheers.] They might have added, 
Ohio is for Blaine. All America will be for him November 4. [Loud 

Mr. Finerty then entered into a brief eulogium of both 
Blaine and Logan, reviewed the defeat of the IMorrison hori- 
zontal bill by the narrow majority of four, and said : 

They should place in the White House a President who had the 
genius, the firmness, and the patriotism to veto any bill that might be 
passed by Congress striking at the root of American industries. [Great 
applause.] Jne (the speaker) had broken with the Democrats because 
they required him to support Grover Cleveland. He was proud to have 
made the sacrifice in American mterests, and if he knew the Irish-Amer- 
ican heart that element would not vote in the same column with the 
London Times, George W. Curtis, and Thomas Nast. [Cheers.] Once 
again the late of the Republic was in the hands of Ohio. In 1863 it 
emphasized and indorsed the victory of Gettysburg by giving 100,000 
majority to the opponent of Vallandigham. This year it should 
repeat that glorious act by electing Robinson Secretary of State and all 
the protection candidates for Congress October 14. [Loud cheers.] 
Then would they have clothed their candidate in the armor of victory, 7 
and that white plume, which was a symbol of glory to friends and a 


badge of terror to foes, would lead the Kepubhc on a greater, grander, 
and broader pathway to power and prosperity. [Continued cheering.] 

Congressman Finerty in a letter to the Chicago Tribune 
describes the Columbus gathering in the following eloquent 
words : 

The city was full to the gorge. When Mr. Blaine arrived, there was such 
a hurricane of cheers as was sufficient to shake the sohd earth. Locomotion 
was almost out of the question. Not alone were streets packed f uU of people, 
bat the great square around the capitol, the housetops, windows, trees, 
fences, platforms — everything that could hold an atom of humanity — was 
filled and covered by the mighty throng. The decorations, flags, mottoes, 
and other paraphernalia of the occasion — including thousands of Chinese 
lanterns, which, as night f eU, flashed out in picturesque briUiancy, uncon- 
quered by the great electric Ughts — made a picture beyond my power to 
paint with the vividness which might convey even a trifling impression of 
the grandeur of the scene to your readers. 

The speaking was brief but to the purpose, and was chiefly done 
from the balcony of the Neil House. It was all over when the head of 
the monster procession — a veritable fiery serpent — appeared at 9 o'clock 
and wound through the city for two long hours. Blaine, with head un- 
covered, his white hair and beard ghstemng in the moonlight, and his 
faoe lit up by the countless torches, presented a fine appearance as, in 
response to the ceaseless cheering of the marchers, he waved his handker- 
chief. The uproar was not alone bewildering, but absolutely stunning. 


Mr. Blaine and party left Columbus by a special train on 
the Baltimore & Ohio road at 9:30, October 4th. At Colum- 
bus ex-Gov. Foster and Mr. Hanna of the State Committee 
left the party, and Charles Moore of Columbus and the Hon. 
Stewart L. Woodford of New York joined it. The people in 
the depot cheered as the train moved out, and Mr. Blaine 
bowed his acknowledgments from the rear platform. 

The first stop was at Newark, where there was a great 
crowd, composed largely of workingmen. Col Charles H. Kib- 
bler introduced the distinguished guest as "James G. Blaine, 
late of Maine, but now of the United States of America." 
This introduction elicited several rounds of applause. Mr. 
Blaine said: 

While I accept your kindly compliment to myself and am grateful 
for it, I desire to say that the mere personahty of a candidate for the 
Presidency is of small account, but what he stands for may be of very 
^eat account, either m the way of good or evil. ["That's it," aod cheers.] 
The question before the people of the United States is whether they wish 
to overthrow the financial and industrial pohcy that has been estabhshed 
by the Kepubhcan party, ["No, no,"], and for myself I am only of import- 
ance because I represent those who answer as you do, "No, no." [Loud 
cheers.] I stand in the midst of a rich community, one that I am famihar 
with; one that I have known from my earUest childhood. I know your 
great growth in wealth. I know your great progress in every moral and 
material interest, and I call you to witness, every candid man in this 
assemblage, whether he be Repubhcan or Democrat, and perhaps some 
Democrat does me the honor to listen — ["Yes" "Yes"] — I call every one to 
witness that your progress in the last twenty years,during the existence and 
enforcement of the industrial and financial system of the Republican 
party, in which a protective tariff and a sound currency are the greatest 
and leading features — I call you all to witness that your progress has been 
greater, doubly greater, than your progress in the sixty preceding years. 
["Hear, Hear," and great cheering.] Your vote will decide the contest the 
14th of October. This current month you meet to do your duty. I have 
confidence that you will discharge it hke men. [Renewed cheering.] 



At Zanesville the people seemed to be wild with enthusiasm. 
At the depot the jam was so great that there was difficulty in 
getting to the carriages, and everybody seemed to be cheering 
and shouting. Around the stand there were probably 10,000 
people, so densely packed that the local committeemen and 
the police seemed helpless, and two or three of the speakers 
who were accompanying had to give up the attempt to get to 
the stand. When Mr. Bagley, the Secretary of the Mus- 
kingum County Committee, introduced the distinguished 
visitor there was a great outburst of cheering, and as it was 
subsiding an Irishman, evidently a workingman, attracted 
general attention by shouting: "A thousand welcomes, Mr. 
Blaine — a thousand welcomes, sir." 

Mr. Blaine thanked the people for the kind reception and 
made a brief reference to the industrials interests of Ohio 
and of the country at large, presenting the tariff as the chief 
issue in the campaign. 

At Cambridge Mr. Blaine was driven round to the fair- 
grounds, where there was a large meeting. He was received 
with great cheering. He returned thanks for the compliment 
and again briefly called attention to the tariff question as at 

There was a very large and enthusiastic gathering at 
Barnesville, and here again Mr. Blaine spoke briefly of the 
importance of the tariff as an issue of the campaign. 

At two or three other points where the train stopped, 
between there and Bellaire, the people gathered around and 
cheered Mr. Blaine, who spoke a few pleasant words of 
acknowledgment at each place. 

It was dark when the train reached Bellaire. The little 
town seemed to be absolutely full, and almost every building 
along the principal streets was illuminated with Chinese 
lanterns. The streets themselves were well-nigh impassable. 
The local committee found great difficulty in getting Mr. 
Blaine through the crowd into the hotel, and se^^eral mem- 
bers of his party, who were just behind him, were more than 
half an hour trying to make their way in. The people crowded 
the office and hallways of the hotel so that the guests could 


not pass up or down to or from their rooms. The landlord 
and the local authorities appealed to the crowd to clear the 
passage-ways at least, but they declined to move until Mr, 
Blaine should come out of his room and show himself and 
say a few words to them. The landlord having delivered 
this message, Mr. Blaine appeared at the head of the stair& 
and bowed repeatedly. The people cheered and made a 
general rush to shake hands with him, but he held out his 
hand too high to be reached from below, and, going through 
the motions of shaking hands, said pleasantly: "I thank you, 
gentlemen, and I beg you to consider that I am shaking 
hands with each and every one of you, as I should take great 
pleasure in doing if my hand were not so tired. 

In place of Mr. Blaine Mr Finerty of Chicago was presented. 
He dwelt particularly on the importance of the election of October 
14th in deciding the Presidential contest. The protection Congress- 
men should be elected to a man. Was there a man in the great meeting 
before him who was born in Europe that would return to his 
position as the subject of a monarchy? [Cries of " Not one. "] He advo- 
cated Mr. Blaine's foreign policy, and said that under his administration 
no naturahzed citizen would be allowed to languish untried in foreign 
prisons. Referring to the McSweeney case, he said that that gentlemen 
was responsible for his own persecution. He had surrendered his 
prerogatives as an adopted American citizen by accepting office on Irish 
soil under the British flag. He declared that every Democrat north of the 
Ohio who had the blood of a freeman in his heart would resent the insult 
offered to the backbone of the Democratic party at the Chicago Conven- 
tion in the nomination of Grover Cleveland. Mr. Finerty summed up by 
vehemently urging the election of Blaine and Logan as the American 
National candidates, irrespective of party. [Loud cheers.] 

At the close of Mr. Finerty' s remarks, Mr. Blaine was 
brought forward, but the sound of drums was so great that 
nothing could be heard, and Mr. Blaine refused to proceed. 
Finally the drums were silenced and Mr. Blaine began: 

" The question of a tariff for protection," he said, " is primarily of 
interest to laboring men A steamship, when it is launched, is worth 
$500,000. Of this $495,000 represents labor and only $5,000 the actual 
cost. Take a ton of pig-iron, which costs possibly $20. Of that figure 
$19.10 represents labor and 90 cents the cost of the material. I mention 
these facts, which are particularly of interest to the laboring man, and if 
he will not protect himself by his ballot how can he ask others to protect 


Hm? Is this not so? It is not a question of speculation, but of fact. 
You are here in Ohio, in a new town which has largely grown up in fifteen 
years. Ohio is third in wealth and population in this country. I ask you 
to take two epochs in the history of this country. In 1860 Ohio was 
sixty years old. It was then seventy-three years from the time of the 
■organization of the Northwest Territory, of which Ohio was a part. In 
1860 Ohio had ^1,000,000,000 en hand— a bilHon of wealth. In 1861 the 
industrial and financial poHcy of this country was changed by the incoming 
of the Eepubhcan party. In 1880 another census was taken, when it was 
developed that Ohio had $3,200,000,000 of capitalized permanent wealth. 
You had in these twenty years added $2,100,000,000 of permanent wealth 
io your State. You increased twice as much in twenty years as you did 
in the seventy-three years preceding them, and all this by the effect of a 
tariff. Do you want it to continue? Do you want to try experiments? 
Do you want to unsettle things? Why, look at the effect of the Morrison 
"bill upon the laboring men. The mills are the capital of the country. 
Do you want a continual agitation in Congress? Well, if you don't it is 
in your own hands. Ohio has the power to command a continuance. 
You can undoubtedly do it in October, and there I leave it." 

Mr. Blaine was then driven to the Globe House, where 
lie remained till Monday, Oct. 6th. He abandoned his 
intention of spending the following day, Sunday, in Wheel- 
ing. He reached there Sunday afternoon. 


Mr. Blaine's party left Wheeling at 8 o'clock October 6, 

by special train on the Baltimore & Ohio Road for Grafton. 

Gen. Adam King of Baltimore left the party at Wheeling 

to return to his work in Ohio. At the Wheeling depot there 

was quite a demonstrative crowd, and as the train moved 

slowly out of the city the workmen came out of their shops 

and the people out of their houses and cheered. The first 

stop was at Moundsville. Mr. W. J. W. Cowden, Chairman 

of the Eepublican State Committee, introduced Mr. Blaine, 

who was warmly received. He said : 

I am glad to meet the citizens of Marshall County. I am glad to be 
in West Virginia. I consider it one of the encouraging signs of the times 
that an earnest contest is going on, in what was once a slave State, for the 
ascendency of Republican principles, and Republican principles this year 
mean a tariff for the protection of American labor. [Cheers.] If West 
Virginia is in favor of that, she is Republican ; if she is opposed to it, she 
is not Republican. The decision rests with her citizens. I know no 
State in the Union more directly interested in the promotion of manu- 
factures than your State. Your rich beds of coal and iron, your vast 
forests — all your natural resources — form a great development of 
manufacturing industries. They can be developed under a protective 
tariff, they can not be without it. 

At Cameron, Littleton, Mannington, and Farmington, 
there were brief stops, and at each point Mr. Blaine spoke 
briefly of the importance to West Virginia of a protective 

At Fairmont there was quite a large meeting. Mr. 
Blaine left the train and addressed the people from a stand. 
Here, as at all the preceding points, the people were very 

At Grafton there was a very large and remarkably enthu- 



elastic meeting. The little mountain town was packed full 
of people from the surrounding country. Mr. Blaine was 
escorted to a stand, when the Hon. John W. Mason intro- 
duced him to the people. When the demonstrations with 
which he was received had subsided, he said: 

Citizens of West Virginia : As your distinguislied Chairman has 
intimated, I am not a stranger to your State. I have known it personally 
for more than forty years, and I have known this section of it well. I 
was born on the banks of yonder river a few miles below the point where 
it enters Pennsylvania, and you do not need to be told by me that there 
was always unity of feeling among the inhabitants of the Monongahela 
Valley. [Cheers,] But I do not see before me the West Virginia which 
I knew in my boyhood. The West Virginia of forty years ago was com- 
paratively a wilderness. The West Virginia of to-day is a prosperous 
industrial center in the United States. [Applause.] West Virginia, as 
an independent Commonwealth, began her existence during the Civil 
War, and at that day the most liberal estimate of total property, according 
to the enumeration of the United States census, did not exceed ^100,000,000. 
In 1870 the census gave you an aggregate of ^190,000,000, and in ISSO it 
showed that you possessed a capitaHzed wealth to the amount of 
$350,000,000. From the close of the war to the year 1880, West Virginia 
had therefore gained in wealth the enormous sum of $250,000,000. You 
have fared pretty well, therefore, under KepubHcan administration. 
[Laughter and cheers.] 

Probably some political opponent does me the honor to listen to me 
and I would ask him, as a candid man, what agency was it that nerved . 
the arm of industry to smite the mountains and create this wealth in 
West Virginia? It was the protective tariff [great cheering] and a 
financial system that gave you good money. [Eenewed cheering. ] Before 
the war you never had circulating in your midst a bank-bill that would 
pass current 500 miles from home. [Cries of " That's so ! " and cheers.] 
You do not to-day have a single piece of paper money circulating in West 
Virginia that is not good all around the globe [great cheering] ; not a 
bill that will not pass as certainly in the money markets of Europe as in 
New York or Baltimore. So that the man who works for a day's wages 
knows when Saturday night comes that he is to be paid in good money. 
[Renewed cheering.] 

Under the protective tariff your coal industries, and your iron 
industries, and the wealth of your forests have been brought out, and it 
is for you voters of West Virginia to say whether you want this to continue 
or whether you want to try free trade. [Voices, "No, we don't!"] I 
make bold to say, with all respect, that there is not a Democratic states- 
man on the stump in West Virginia, conspicuous enough to be known to 
the Nation — I speak only of those I know — who advocates a protective 


tariff ; not one. [Cries of " Not one!" "Not one!"] I ^'o further ; I do 
not know a Democratic statesman who will not acknowledge that a tariff 
for protection is unconstitutional, and, therefore, as honest men they are 
bound to oppose it. The Morrison Tariff bill [cries of " We won't have 
it!"] — ^the Morrison Tariff bill would have struck at the interest of West 
Virginia in many vital respects, and it is an amazing fact that the 
representatives in Congress from West Virginia voted for that bill. There 
is a good old adage which I beg to recall to your minds, that God helps 
those who help themselves, and if West Virginia is not willing to sustain 
a protective tariff by her vote and her influence she must not expect it to 
be sustained for her by others. If she wants the benefit of a protective 
tariff she must give to a protective tariff the benefit of her support. 

I am glad that I am addressing a Southern people ; a community 
that were slaveholders ; a community made up of those who were masters 
and those who were slaves ; but I am addressing a slave State no longer. 
[Great cheering.] I am appealing to the new South. [Renewed cheer- 
ing.] And I am appealing to West Virginia not to vote upon a tradition 
or a prejudice ; not to keep her eyes to the rear, but to look to the front 
and to the future [cries of " We'll do it, we'll do it," and wild cheering] ; 
and if I could be heard I would make the same appeal to other Southern 
States — to old Virginia, to North Carolina, to Georgia, to Alabama, to 
Tennessee, and to Louisiana. They are all interested in a protective 
tariff, and the question is, which do they prefer, to gratify a prejudice or 
to promote general prosperity ? West Virginia can lead the way ; she 
can break this seemingly impregnable barrier of the solid South. [Cheers 
and cries of "We'll do it! We'll do it!"] 'Solid on what? Solid on a 
prejudice ; sohd on a tradition ; soUd upon doctrines that separate the 
different portions of the Union. Whereas, I invite you to join in a union not 
merely in form, but a union in fact, and take your part in the solution of 
the industrial and financial problems of the time. [Great cheering.] If 
West Virginia takes that course the 14th of October she will do much to 
settle the controversies that now agitate us. [Cries of " She will! "] 

The repeal of the protective tariff, according to the terms of the 
Morrison bill, would cost West Virginia a vast sum of money. Between 
1870 and 1880 you gained in this State ^160,000,000 , between 1880 and 
1890 you will gain much more, with a tariff for protection ; but I ask any 
business man if he believes you can do it with free trade? [Cries of " No! 
No! No!"] 

Here I close my words of counsel, leaving the action to you. I leave 
you, not as a community influenced by sectional feeling, but as a com- 
munity broadly National. I leave you as a State aUied on this side to 
Pennsylvania, and on the other to Ohio [cheers], as much as you are to 
Virginia and Kentucky. I leave you as a State that stands in the van of 
the new South, inviting the whole South to join in a great National 
movement which shall in fact and in feeling, as well as in form, make us 


SL people with one union, one Constitution, one destiny [Great and 
long continued cheering.] 

Mr. Blaine's ride up the Ohio River Eoad was one of the 
most pleasant, so far as the weather was concerned, from the 
time he started out. He went to Marietta after he had 
finished with the evening ceremonies at Parkersburg. He was 
obliged to be up before eight the following morning to meet 
his special train, which started out along the Ohio Biver Boad 
from Parkersburg at half -past seven. Mr. Blaine was to 
cross the ferry and join the train at Williamstown, but the 
water was so low the ferry-boat was aground, and he was 
•obliged to cross in a skiff. When he reached the train 
every one expected to see him tired out with his long 
day and short night of rest, but the weather had, fortunately, 
-changed. There was a real October sparkle in the air, 
which was reflected in Mr. Blaine's face as he entered the 
car, saying as he came in that he never felt better in his 

The stops after this point were not many, neither were 
the crowds very large m the sparsley-settled country. 
Occasionally a drunken man would push to the front in the 
midst of Mr. Blaine's familiar talks about what the pro- 
tective tariff had done for West Virginia, and cry out for 
Cleveland. But in general there was but little disturbance. 

Just before Wheeling was reached the train was stopped 
in front of the house of George Curtis, Mr. Blaine's college- 
mate, who traveled with him for two days. The house was 
a very plain one. Mr. Blaine got off the train and walked 
up to the house with Mr. Curtis, and presented his respects 
to the quiet household. 

Wheeling was reached m the neighborhood of noon. 
Although there were no posted notices of Mr. Blaine's 
coming, the city square was packed for the meeting by a 
crowd of very enthusiastic people. But the special guard 
•of honor that escorted him to the square and to the train 


when Mr. Blaine went away at 2 o'clock over the Cleveland 
& Loraine Road, was one of the finest equipped seen on the 
road. Their uniforms were snowy white, and they marched 
with military precision. 


The afternoon of Oct. 8 found Mr. Blaine back again in 
Ohio, where the welcome shown him everywhere was in strong 
marked contrast to the West Virginia stops, as was the 
air of comfort and prosperity shown at every station in 
marked comparison with the country and poorer-clad people 
just across the river. The special train was in charge 
of a musical engineer named Harry Lynch, an enthusi- 
astic Republican, who played boisterous melodies with the 
locomotive whistle at all of the stations. As the train pulled 
further and further into Ohio, the enthusiasm of the people 
increased. Workingmen with tariff emblems swarmed 
everywhere. Uniformed knights yelled death to free trade, 
while every allusion to the Republican policy of protection 
was cheered to the echo. 

At New Philadelphia there was a strong picture for an 
artist. The workmen of the place had mounted a puddling 
furnace upon wheels and had it at the station fired up to a 
red-hot glow, while about the glowing iron emblems were 
gathered hundreds of workingmen in their working clothes 
shouting "Blaine!" "Blaine!" while several thousand peo- 
ple stood upon the dark rolling turf bank just back of them 
singing campaign songs and waving flags. It was dark by 
the time the place was reached. Mr. Blaine rested at Canton 
for the night. 

Mr. Blaine, accompanied by the Hon. William McKin- 
ley, and followed by a long line of private carriages, 
drove over the following morning, Oct. 9, from Canton to 
Massillon, eight miles. The scenery between the two places 
is very beautiful, and, as the weather was fair, the carriage 



drive was a refreshing relief from railroad travel. Nearly 
all the houses and stores along Main street, by which Massillon 
was entered, were beautifully decorated with Blaine and Logan 
flags and other Republican emblems, and more than the 
whole population of the town seemed to be out to receive 
Mr. Blaine. Upon the programme was a procession com- 
posed of Eepublican clubs and manufacturing operatives. 
When the demonstrations with which Mr. Blaine was 
received had subsided he made the following speech : 

Men of Ohio: In a procession of our political opponents at 
Youngstown recently, there appeared a man and woman in rags and 
apparent wretchedness bearing the inscription: "This is what protection 
has done for us." [Derisive laughter.] This was intended to typify and 
denounce the results of protection in Ohio. I want to present the other 
side of the picture. 

In Ohio to-day there are 21,000 manufacturing establishments. 
They cost ^500,000,000, and they turn out annually a product worth 
$350,000,000 out of the results of that investment. I observe a great many 
people in Ohio who are not in rags and not in wretchedness. [Laughter 
and great cheering.] Thirty-five and forty years ago the entire Western 
country was called upon, as an agricultural community, to oppose the 
protective tariff, because it unjustly favored the manufacturer of the 
East.. Since then the manufacturing industries of the country have 
traveled westward, until Ohio has become one of the largest manufact- 
uring States in the Union [cheers], and, combining within herself a great 
agricultural interest and a great manufacturing interest, she presents all 
the elements of comfort and material progress. Steadily as the agri- 
cultural States become settled, manufactures follow. Indiana and Illi- 
nois and Michigan are coming on rapidly after Ohio. Iowa, Kansas and 
Minnesota will come along in due time, the result being that the pro- 
tective policy now upheld by the Republican party operates so as to 
carry manufactures into every State, and ultimately into every county 
in the Union. It never was designed that one part of the country should 
be permanently agricultural and the other part manufacturing, but it 
was designed that agriculture and manufactures should go hand in 
hand [cheers], and wherever they do go hand in hand, you have thrift, 
progress and happiness. [Renewed cheering.] 

If this industrial system, which combines the highest elements of 
human prosperity by imiting the agricultural and the manufacturing 
interests, is worth preserving, you should not forget that our political 
opponents have never failed in the last fifty-one years — never since 1833, 
when they had the power in Congress — either to repeal the protective 
tariff, if one existed, or to try to repeal it, or to prevent the enactment of 


such a tariff. In other words, since 1833 the Democratic party in 
Congress has never sustained by its vote a protective tariff — not once. 
[A voice: " And it never will.''] 

We are met with the accusation that a protective tariff injures the 
commerce of the country. That is more frequently made in the East 
than in the West. The answer to it is, that since the protective tariff 
was enacted in 1861, the exports from the United States have been 
vastly greater in amount and value than all the exports from the first 
settlement of an English colonist on this continent down to the inaugu- 
ration of President Lincoln. [Great cheering.] I think that is worth 
repeating. ["Yes!" "Yes!"] If you take every export that was ever 
made from the territory which now constitutes the United States, from 
the time of the settlement at Jamestown and at Plymouth Rock in 1607 
and 1620 clear down to 1860, and add them together, they fail by several 
thousand million dollars to be as great in amount as our exports from 
1861 to this time. [Renewed cheering.] 

So that the assertion that the protective tariff hinders the develop- 
ment of the commerce of the country is not only disproved by the facts, 
but the directly contrary is true, for agriculture and manufactures and 
commerce go hand in hand — were designed to go hand in hand. They 
are the triple cords which, bound together, make up the strength of 
National prosperity. I assume, therefore, that the people of Ohio are 
interested in maintaining the protective tariff, and if you are, it is in 
your power to do it. [" We'll do' it!" " We'll do it! " and great cheering.] 

Ohio speaks her voice Tuesday next. This district will have the 
opportunity to speak her voice, and say whether one of the most brilliant 
advocates of protection that ever served in Congress shall be returned 
[cheers for McKinley], with the opportunity to vindicate by your votes 
the splendid experience which Ohio has had in developing her agri- 
cultural and manufacturing interests together. It is for you, the men of 
Ohio, while the Nation looks on, to record your opinion and your judg-- 
ment. I thank you for your cordial reception, and bid you good-by. 


Mr. Blaine left Canton October 9 by a special train on 
the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne & Chicago Koad for Wooster, 
Crestline, and Columbus. 

At Orrville, a small station where the train made the 
first stop, several hundred people were collected. Mr. 
Blaine spoke a few words in advocacy of the re-election of 
Mr. McKinley. 

The next stop was at Wooster. Here Mr. Blaine left 
the train and went up to a stand on the public square, 
where 5,000 people had assembled. He was introduced by 
Mr. William M. Orr, one of his classmates at Washington 
and Jefferson College, and was warmly received. He spoke 
briefly, congratulating the Republicans of Ohio upon their 
zeal, calling attention to the transcendant importance of 
the tariff as an issue in the campaign, and urging the 
re-election of Mr. McKinley. During the speaking a body 
of students from the Wooster University marched up to the 
stand and cheered for Blaine and Logan. At the depot, 
just as Mr. Blaine was about to get upon the train, general 
attention was attracted by the affectionate demonstration of 
an elderly gentleman, who was actually embracing him. 
This proved to be the Rev. Dr. Black, a Professor in the 
Wooster University, another old college-mate. His wife 
accompanied him and seemed almost as much pleased aR her 
husband to see Mr. Blaine. 

Short stops were made at Shreve and Perrysville. Mr. 
Blaine spoke a few words at each place, thanking the people 
for the kind reception they gave him, and presenting the 
tariff as the great issue. At 1 :30 the train arrived at Mans- 


field, the home of Senator Sherman. There were several 
thousand assembled in the square in the heart of the town, 
to which Mr. Blaine was escorted in the usual manner. Mr. 
Hedges, the Republican candidate for Congress, having 
introduced him as the next President of the United States, 
Mr. Blaine said: 

I object to my friend introducing me in that way. We will talk 
about that after Tuesday next. [Cheers.] But I see good auguries for 
Tuesday in the fact that the people of Ohio seem to be thoroughly 
aroused. [Cheers.] In all my political experience I have never seen a 
people apparently more thoroughly awake to their duty than the people 
of Ohio seem to be at this time. Your duty in this campaign is excep- 
tionally important. You have both your own immediate duty and a 
vicarious duty. You are to vote Tuesday next not only for yourselves, 
but for the whole United States. You are to set the mark for the 
Kepubhcan high tide. [Cheers.] I confess I have great confidence in 
the vote of Ohio, for since the election of Salmon P. Chase as Governor 
of your State, in 1855, I have never known a year when Ohio was 
aroused that she did not give a Republican majority. [Cheers.] You 
liave never had before you a more distinct issue than you have this year. 
There has never been a more clean-cut division between the parties. At 
the beginning of a political campaign a great many issues are m the 
people's mind, but as the contest grows serious they begin to elirmnate 
the incidental points, and finally, as the parties converge and come face 
to face, there is always one great, overshadowing issue that controls the 
multitucle of voters. I assume that the issue the present year is the 
protective tariff, and I am sure there is not a State in the Union that has 
profited more under the protective system, or that is more deeply interested 
in its maintenance, than Ohio. [Cheers.] That being the case, and with 
the further condition that Ohio ranks as high in intelligence as any State 
in the Union, it cannot be doubted that you will see your way clear to 
protect and maintain your own interests. 

I do not stop to argue other questions ; I do not stop to even dwell 
for a moment on the achievements of the Republican party, on rrhat it 
has done for the Union, for the cause of free government, for the cause of 
human liberty. I do not dwell on these, because I do not choose to 
divert your minds, even for a moment, from the one overpowering and 
overwhelming issue that should engage your whole attention until after 
Tuesday next [cheers], and especially should it engage your attention in 
your Congressional districts. Col. Boynton used to say in argument, 
when he got very close to the point, that he had his '* knife on the nerve." 
When you vote for Representatives in Congress your votes are reaching 
the very nerve of all questions relating to our industrial system, including 
the protective tariff, because it is through your Representatives in 


Congress that you make your will primarily, distinctly, and impress- 
ively understood and felt. 

This is a town which I have long desired to visit. I have enjoyed a 
friendship that goes back almost into boyhood's days with your dis- 
tinguished fellow-citizen. Senator Sherman, and I have long desired to 
stand before his neighbors, constituents, and friends. I thank you for 
this kind reception, and bid you good-by. 

At Crestline there was a large crowd around the depot, 
and Mr. Blaine spoke briefly from a platform built out from 
the second story of the building. He spoke of the great 
importance of the State election in October, because of its 
bearing upon the National election and upon tariff legisla- 
tion in the next Congress. 

At Mount Gilead ex-Gov. Foster joined the party again. 
Here Mr. Blaine left the train to attend the Morrow County 
Fair. There were fully 15,000 people around the fair- 
grounds. Gov. Foster introduced Mr. Blaine, who spoke 
briefly from the judges' stand as follows: 

The agricultural fair is the non-partizan assemblage of the American 
people. To-day we are all RepubUcans and all Democrats. Better than 
either RepubHcan or Democrat, we are American citizens. [Applause.]- 
It is in that capacity that I greet you ; it is in that capacity that I con- 
gratulate you on the abundant prosperity that blesses this community, 
on the great development the State of Ohio has attained, on its great, 
history, and on its great future. [Renewed applause.] 

Delaware was reached just before dark, and, considering 
the size of the place, the reception was phenomenal. Mr. 
Blaine was introduced by Judge Jones, and when the storm 
of cheering and shouting with which he was received had 
subsided, he returned thanks for the kind reception given 
him, and said: 

I have never seen a population in motion as the population of Ohio 
seems to-day. [Cheers.] From that fact I anticipate a great Republican 
vote Tuesday next. [Great cheering.] I want Ohio to feel and know 
that the vote of Tuesday next is an important one, and that the responsi- 
bility rests upon the RepubUcans of this State. The Republican party is 
fortunate in having the support of a vast majority of the young men of 
the country. [Cheers.] As I have said before, there is no instance in the 
political history of this Nation of any party being beaten that had in a 


large degree the sympathy and support of the young men. [Renewed 
cheering.] I see before me a large number of young men who are col- 
legians, and who add to the power of youth the power of education and 
culture. To them and to their fellows they look as a great source of 
strength in the pending canvass. [Great and prolonged cheering.] 

At this point the Hon. C. B. Farwell, of Chicago, joined 
the party. No other stop was made until the train reached 
Columbus. In view of the great demonstration there the 
previous week, the understanding was that there should be 
none on the second occasion, but there was quite a large 
crowd in the depot awaiting the arrival of the train, who 
pressed around Mr. Blaine and cheered him as he passed 
out. He entered a carriage and tried to drive quietly to 
the house of his cousin, Mr. IMiller, but a body of young 
Eepublicans bearing torches insisted on escorting him in the 
usual noisy manner. 

]y[r. Blaine left Columbus by a special train on the Scioto 
Valley Eoad at 10 o'clock next morning. Mr. Hanna of the 
State Committee left the party, and ex-Gov. Foster took 

The first stop was at Circleville, where there was a large 
gathering in front of the court-house. Mr. Blaine was 
received in the enthusiastic manner that had now become a 
matter of course on his tour. He was introduced by Judge 
Smith, and spoke as follows: 

If to be observed by an entire continent be a source of pride, the 
people of Ohio should be very proud to-day, because the eyes of every 
State in the Union are upon them, and the action of the people of Ohio 
Tuesday next is waited with deep sohcitude throughout the length and 
breadth of the Nation. Left now the only State but one that votes in 
October, the average degree of RepubUcan zeal in the country is to be 
tested by your vote, and your vote will be taken as an index to the vote 
of November. My only mission, therefore, is to urge upon you the 
importance of your action Tuesday next, and to ask you if you are ready 
for it. [Cries of "Yes!" "Yes!" "Ready!" "Ready!" and cheers.] For 
the first time in forty years, the first time since 1844, when Mr. Clay and 
Mr. Polk were the nominees of the two great parties, the tariff for pro- 
tection becomes, from the very first day of the campaign, a subject for 
popular discussion. That discussion is well nigh closed, and the ques- 
tion is to be submitted to a jury of 800,000 /oters in your State, and as 


that jury decide may be the fate of the protective tariff in this country 
for a generation. It is too late now to go into elaborate argument ; 
action is the word now ; action is your duty. I refrain, therefore, from 
doing more than to remind you that in all the critical elections of the 
past, unless the great crises of 1863 and 1864 be exceptions, never has a 
more weighty or more far-reaching responsibility devolved upon the 
people of Ohio than that which they will meet Tuesday next, and meet- 
ing which I hope and believe they will fully and faithfully discharge. 
[Great cheering.] 

The reception at Chillicothe was elaborate and artistic. 
The approach to the stand was through an avenue between 
parallel lines of uniformed horsemen. Gen. Samuel H. 
Hurst made a brief and exceptionally good introductory 
speech, and the people received Mr. Blaine with every 
demonstration of enthusiasm. When he got an opportunity 
to. speak, he said: 

From my school days I have been familiar with the Scioto Valley, 
and have heard much of the rich lands of Paint Creek. [Laughter and 
cheers.] I am glad to see their inhabitants before me. I am glad to see 
before me this great representation of the rich agricultural portion of 
Ohio. I am glad to recall to their minds this morning the duty which 
the Nation expects of them Tuesday next. Your Chairman has been 
pleased to refer to six great contests in which the Republican party has 
been victorious. In the first Presidential contest in which the Repub- 
lican party was engaged, it was the vote of Ohio that gave strength to 
the legions that followed the gallant young Fremont. It was the vote of 
Ohio in October, 1860, that in a large part secured Mr. Lincoln's elec- 
tion. It was the vote of October, 1864, that secured the great victory to 
loyalty and the Union on the roar of civil war. It was the vote of Octo- 
ber, 1868, that rewarded the great hero of the war with the Presidency, 
and repeated it in 1872, and it was the votes of October, 1876, and Octo- 
ber, 1880, that elevated two Ohio statesmen to the Presidential chair. 
[Applause.] It remains to be seen whether the great legions of Repub- 
licanism, whether the great clans that have gathered upon the plains and 
in the valleys of Ohio, shall now be worsted in the encounter of Tuesday 
next— ["No!" "No!" "No!"]— whether in this seventh conflict for the 
great principles of a great party you will maintain your splendid record 
of twenty-eight years. [" We will," and cheers.] It is too late for argu- 
ment ; that has been exhausted. It is too late even for appeal ; that has 
been addressed to you. There remains only your own sense of duty, and 
your own loyal determination. I thank you for this kind greeting, and 
commend you with all your energies to the duty of Tuesday next. [Pro- 
longed cheering. 


At Portsmouth there was a tremendous demonstration. 
There were fully 20,000 people in the streets and in the meet- 
ing around the stand where Mr. Blaine was introduced. He 
made a brief speech, presenting the protective tariff as the 
great issue, and urging the importance of the October vote 
in Ohio as bearing upon that question and upon the Presi- 
dential contest. The crowd was so great and so enthusiastic 
that it proved quite difficult to get Mr. Blaine back to his 

It was after dark when the train arrived at Ironton. 
There again there was an immense crowd, who pressed 
around Mr. Blaine and cheered. As he alighted from the 
train he was escorted by a body of Plumed Knights to the 
house of Mr. Wilson, where he took tea. Later he was 
driven through the town to a large stand, from which he 
reviewed a torchlight procession. After the procession the 
people called for a speech. Mr. Blaine, in response, spoke 
at some length in the same vein as at other places of the 
importance of the tariff issue, and the responsibility of 
the Republicans of Ohio as having the lead in determining 
the result of the pending contest between the parties. In 
the procession there was a Young Republican Club from 
Ashland, Ky., and another from Huntington, W. Ya. 
Alluding to these, Mr. Blaine said: 

I am pleased to note that in this vast assemblage you have repre- 
sentatives from the opposite shore of the Ohio, and that Kentnckians and 
"West Virginians are comminghng and co-operating with the people of 
Ohio for a common cause and a common end. [Cheers.] Kentucky is 
taking on a new Ufe, and when the days of Democratic free trade are 
ended m her councils, she will stand, as she is entitled to stand in enterr 
prise and in progress, alongside her sister State, Ohio. [Great cheering.] 

By half past 2 o'clock, October 11th, the Blaine party 
reached the campus of the Ohio University at Athens, where 
a stand had been erected, and Mr. Blaine was introduced 
by Gen. C. H. Grosvenor, Republican candidate for Con- 
gress from the district. Among other things. Gen. Gros- 
venor said: 

We have with us a man who, when a young man, was at this place 
forty-three years ago. He comes back to-day with the same name, but 


which is now on the lips of more free people, more good people of this 
country than the name of any living man ever announced in all the his- 
tory of the world. He comes back to speak to the people, to look at the 
people, and to be received by the people of this section of the country. 
I have the honor to introduce to you the same distinguished gentleman^ 
on whose behalf we have worked so faithfully, and whose name has been 
throughout this campaign a tower of greater strength than any other 
name for twenty-flve years. I present to you James G. Blaine. 

As soon as quiet could be restored Mr. Blaine said : 

I am looking around anxiously to see which section of this crowd I 
will try to address. Ohio speaks to the Nation Tuesday next. A conti- 
nent is waiting on her words. A great cause hangs on her decision. It 
is for her to say Tuesday next whether she prefers a protective tariff or 
free trade, for the voice of Ohio will be more potential from that day on 
that issue than it ever has been before, or than it ever will be again. I 
hope you are ready for the decision. I hope you are ready to speak the 
word. I hope the citizens of Ohio understand and appreciate exactly 
what protective tariff has done for their State, and what it has done for 
the Nation; and if you are ready to pronounce in its favor it will insure 
us a policy for this country for the next century. If you are doubtful 
or against it you will have the opportunity of enjoying free trade for the 
remainder of your lives. This much as to the general issue. 

Now, a word personally. I have heard to my surprise since I came 
to the State of Ohio that I am a large owner of the coal lands in the 
Hocking Valley. I have some coal lands in Pennsylvania and more in 
West Virginia, and I am a director and stockholder in a coal-mining 
company that has in its employment 250 men in West Virginia, but I am 
sure I do not own anything in this State, and, as a matter of justice, I 
would ask that the men who report that I do should be compelled to 
make the property good to me. [Great applause.] If the men make good 
to me the property which they attribute to me, I would be as rich as 
Croesus, and I would bankrupt a great many first-class Democratic 
slanderers in the process. That is personal; perhaps it is petty. But I 
speak in the presence of so large a part of the citizens of the Hocking 
Valley, I desire to stamp the falsehood out completely in the presence of 
more than 10,000 citizens, and I hope to make it so strong to every one 
of you that it will not be any loss to the party. [Applause.] 

But the Republican party does not make this a personal campaign. 
The Republican party sees in the majesty of its popular uprising some- 
thing grander, something better, something nobler than a mere squabble 
over personal slander. So it says and determines to the workingmen of 
this country that they shall have fair wages for a fair day's work. 
[Cheers.] We will give you a measure in the protective system which 
insures to the laboringman, the manufacturer, and the miner a fair 
remuneration [A voice: " We will get it by a Democratic Congress."] 


^o, we won't get it by a Democratic Congress, my friend. There has not 
been a time for fifty years when a Democratic Congress has voted for pro- 
tection. There has not been a time for fifty years when opportunity was 
offered that it did not vote for free trade. There has not been nor ever 
will be polled a vote for protection by the Democrats. Before this all 
other questions sink out of sight. The others have dropped out one by 
one, and finally the battle of every State from first to last has been fought 
on one grand issue, and that is the question of protective tariff. Vote on 
that Tuesday next. Don't make a mistake on this when you vote in 
November. When you vote in your representation in Congress you vote 
against or for it. When you vote against Charles H. Grosvenor you vote 
against it; when you vote against Gen. Eobinson you vote against it. 
1 talk very free, for I must impress this idea upon you. I want to 
impress upon you that when you vote for Gen. Robinson you are casting 
the mightiest ballot that will be placed in your hand during the year 
1884. If any man neglects his duty on this with the idea that he wiQ 
make it up in November, he is like the man who murders his friend 
to-day with the hope of bringing him to life to-morrow. I thank you for 
this magnificent reception. [Cries of " Go on! " " Go on!"] I must give 
way toothers. [More cries of "Goon!"] If I should keep on for an 
hour I should have but one speech, and that on one idea. I should be 
like the prophet crying in the wilderness. I have but one cry, and that is 
protection. I want your minds on that, and not to be diverted from it. 
The Democrats are engaged in diverting popular attention from it. The 
Kepublicans are engaged in attracting attention to it. 

I wish to notice the reference that was made to my visit here forty- 
three years ago. He says I was a young man. I was not a young man. 
I was only a boy eleven years old. I am getting old I admit, but I don't 
want ten years more added to me. I remember this country. I remem- 
l)er this great Hocking "Valley. I remember the salt and coal works at 
Chauncy, and I ask you and every man, every farmer, every miner, every 
manufacturer, what it was that has taken out from beneath these hills 
the millions of wealth that have reposed there for centuries. The answer 
is, protective tariff. When you vote next Tuesday I want to impress it 
upon your mind that if you vote for protection you will vote to continue 
the prosperity of this Hocking Valley; but if you vote against it its 
wealth will continue to sleep on for centuries. I thank you again for 
this reception. 

A few moments after Mr. Blaine closed, and before lie left 
for Nelsonville, the seat of the mining region, where he was 
billed for the afternoon, the stand on which he had been 
speaking broke down, but no one was hurt. As soon as this 
was learned, Mr. Blaine, upon whom all eyes were turned, 
said, laughingly: "There is always enough left of the 
Hepublican platform to stand on." 


At Nelsonville, the center of the mining district in the 
Hocking Valley, Mr. Blaine made the following speech: 

If I am at home anywhere it is in a coal region. I was bom and 
brought up in a coal region, in the Valley of the Monongahela, and I 
know something about coal. I have been an owner of coal lands nearly 
all my adult Hfe, and the greater part of what httle property I have in 
this world is in coal lands. I have also been to some extent engaged in 
the mining of coal. I am now interested as a stockholder and director 
of a company in West Virginia. I have had twenty-nine years' experience 
in connection with the coal industry, and I count it a piece of remarkable 
good fortune that neither myself nor any of the companies with which I 
have been connected has ever had a strike, or dispute, or quarrel of any 
kind with any man. ["Good!" "Good!" and cheers.] Further, I have 
to say that during the last eighteen months the company I am connected 
with has been able to pay an average of about $60 a month to every one 
of the 200 men engaged. [" Good! " " Good! "J You see, therefore, that 
I am not talking about a subject that I do not understand. But, while I 
acknowledge I am owner of coal lands in Pennsylvania and in West' 
Virginia, I am kindly assured by a number of Democrats in Ohio tLat I 
own also a large tract of coal land in the Hocking Valley. [Laughter.] 
Now, I think when a man has property attributed to him which he j)ro- 
tests he does not own, and when the other parties insist that he does own 
it, they ought to be compelled by law to make it good to him. [Laughter 
and cheers.] They say that I am a large holder in the Hocking Valley 
syndicate. I say that I do not own a single share. They say again that' 
I do. Let them come into court then and make the ownership good to 
me. ["Good."] If I could bring them into court on that issue and under 
the rule suggested, I could bankrupt a great many Democratic editors 
and speakers who insist that I own property that I never did own. 
[Laughter and cheers.] 

I understand that the miners in this region have had some trouble 
"with the operators, and our political opponents say I am one of the 
owners. As I said awhile ago, I have never had any trouble with the men 
employed in the mines with which I am interested, and never expect to 
have any, because if I can not continue the business without difficulties 
of that kind I shall abandon it. [Cheers.] I think there is no disagree- 
ment that arises between an employer and the men he employs that 
ought not be settled by a fair, impartial arbitration, and I think the man 
who is not willing to submit such matter to arbitration ought to explain 
to the {lublic why he is unwilling to do so. But because you are in 
temporary trouble why should you turn your backs upon the great pro- 
tective system which has for twenty years improved and secured the 
development of your valley? Are you going to remedy your troubles in 
that way? Because you cannot have the high tide of prosperity all the 
time do you therefore say that you will have the low tide of adversity ?" 


[" That's it! "] In this world we have to take a little bit of lean with the 
fat. [Laughter and cheers.] You can not have a stream flow down its 
bed without having an eddy now and then. You can not have the flood- 
tide of the ocean without the corresponding ebb. These occasional dis- 
turbances of the even flow of prosperity seem to be inevitable. You want 
to get rid of them, of course, but the parties concerned should deal with 
each other in a patient and conciliatory spirit, and in your anxiety to 
remedy these passing troubles you should not think of tearing away the 
very foundation on which the prosperity of your State and of the whole 
country rests. [Cheers.] 

I appeal to you as workingmen, as miners, because if the protective 
tariff is not good for the coal and iron industries it is not good for any- 
thing. If it does not develop these it does not develop anything, and if 
the protective tariff were repealed to-morrow these hills would be again 
wrapped in the silence and desertion in which they rested during the 
twenty-five years that preceded the enactment of a protective tariff. Bat 
if, on the other hand, the protective tariff is maintained, I have full faith 
that your troubles will soon be adjusted and that a new era of prosperity 
will dawn upon you. [Eenewed cheering.] 

A miner — " May I ask. Mr. Blaine, if you are interested in the Union 

Mr. Blaine — No, not to the extent of a single penny. I will make it 
stronger than that — I never owned an interest in any iron furnace in 
Ohio or anywhere else in the civilized world. [Cheers.] I never was 
engaged in the iron business at all, but I have been engaged in the coal 
business, and a large proportion of the property I own is invested in coal 
to-day. I am interested with you in this matter. 

If the coal business breaks down in Ohio it cannot be maintained in 
Pennsylvania or West Virginia. We all stand or fall together. When 
they were about to sign the Declaration of Independence some one said 
to old Dr. Witherspoon, " Well, we must hang together." " Yes," said 
he, "if we do not, George the Third will see to it that we hang 
separately." [Laughter and cheers.] So, my friends engaged in the coal 
industry, if we do not stand together we shall fall together. [Cheers.] I 
thank you for the very kind reception you have given me, and I leave in 
the hope and expectation that we shall soon have better times for the 
mining interests throughout the whole United States. [Eenewed cheer- 

In the evening at Lancaster, JMr. Blaine was escorted to 
the house of his cousin, Judge P. B. Ewing, and later, at a 
meeting held in his honor, he made a speech devoted largely 
to the reminiscences of his school-boy days in Lancaster, but 
concluding with an appeal to the Eepublicans of Ohio to do 
their duty Tuesday next. 


At the public reception given him the same day in Lan- 
caster, and in response to a serenade by the Kepublican 
Clubs of the town, Mr. Blaine delivered the following speech: 

My Friends : I confess that in this place and at this time I hardly 
feel disposed to make any allusion to public affairs. The recollections 
that rush upon me as I stand here carry me back through many years, 
to a time before most of you were bom. In 1841 I was a school-boy in 
this town, attending the school of a Mr. William Lyons, a cultivated 
English gentleman — the younger brother of Lord Lyons, and uncle, I 
believe, of the British Minister at Washington — who taught with great 
success the youth of this vicinity I know not whether he be living, but 
if he is I beg to make my acknowledgements to him for his efficiency and 
excellence as an instructor. As I look upon your faces I am carried 
back to those days, to Lancaster as it then was. In that row of dwellings 
on the opposite side of the street, in one of which I am now a guest, lived 
at that time the first three lawyers of Ohio — Thomas Ewing, Henry Stan- 
bury, aad Hacking Hunter. I vividly recall their persons and their 
peculiarities. Shortly before that time there had come home from West 
Point a tall and very slender young man, straight as an arrow, with a 
sharp face and a full suit of red hair. His name was Sherman, and he 
had in his pocket an order to join the army in Florida. You have heard 
of him since. [Laughter and cheers.] You have heard of him, and he 
will be heard of as long as the march through Georgia holds its place in 
history; he will be heard of as long as lofty characters and military genius 
are esteemed among men. [Renewed cheering.] 

About the same time, from a country town to the southwest of this 
place, there was sent to West Point a sturdy, strong-headed youth who 
was also heard of in the war, and whose fame has since encircled the 
globe. His name is Ulysses S. Grant. [Great cheering.] 

Eight in the adjoining county of Perry there lived a short, stout boy, 
who has since become known to the world as Phil Sheridan. [Three 
cheers for Sheridan.] Combative, yet gentle in nature, he achieved a 
reputation not unlike that which Ney attained in the Napoleonic wars. 
So that Ohio was then preparing military leaders for great contingencies 
and for unforeseen crises 

I remember another youth of this town — slender, tall, stately — who 
had just left school, and was a civil engineer on the Muskingum River 
improvements. You have since heard of him. His name is John Sher- 
man. [Cheers. ] 

At that time this town seemed to my boyish vision to be the center 
of the universe, and my idea was that the world was under deep obhga- 
tion for being permitted to revolve around Lancaster. [Laughter and 
cheers.] I recall these scenes. I recall my early attachment and love for 
this town, and for the near kindred and the dear friends that were in it — 
some of whom were here when Arthur St. Clair was Governor of the 


Northwest Territory, and some of whom are here still — and when I think 
of those days, and of the deep attachments I inherited and have since 
maintained, I feel more like dwelling upon old stories and old scenes, 
than talking about poHtical contests. [Hurrahs for Blaine.] But, after 
all, those things are gone by for more than forty years, and anew genera- 
tion meets in a new era and under new responsibiUties. We meet upon 
the eve of an important election, and the people of Ohio, as is their wont 
and as has been their fortune, are placed in the vanguard of the fight. I 
am satisfied that Tuesday next you will show, as you have shown in pre- 
ceding Presidential elections, that Ohio is fit to be intrusted with the 
responsibility of leadership in the great National contest. [Great cheer- 
ing.] I do not stop to argue any question; the time for argument has 
passed. I do not stop even to appeal to you. The appeal has been made. 
I stop only to remind you that if you do your duty Tuesday next, as 
becomes the men of your lineage and your inheritance, the Eepublican 
■administration of this Government will be continued [cheers] ; the pro- 
tective tarifp will be upheld [great cheering]; the patriotism and the 
fruits of the civil struggle will be maintained, and the Government of the 
Union, preserved by the loyalty. of the Union, will continue to be 
administered in loyalty to the Union. Good-night. [Prolonged 


At Columbus, Oct. 13, ex-Gov. Foster, Chairman Oglevee 
of the Kepublican State Committee, and ex- Commissioner 
Dudley boarded Mr. Blaine's car. There was a stop here of 
over an hour, but the car was left on the outskirts of the 
city, and did not go into the depot at all. 

At Prospect, a small station, where a brief stop was made, 
an interesting scene took place. Several hundred people 
were assembled, who cheered, shouted, and waved hats and 
handkerchiefs when Mr. Blaine appeared. While he was 
bowing his acknowledgments two very old men, veteran 
Eepublicans, who had come to the depot to see him, were 
brought out, and Mr. Blaine jumped down from the platform 
and went to meet them. One of these was Robert Cratley, 
born near Chambersburg, Pa., said to be 100 years and fifty 
days old. He was a Lieutenant in the last war with Great 
Britain, and was once in command at Fort Erie. The other 
was John Jones, a native of Wales, but a resident of this 
country since 1818. He was in his eightieth year. Both 
the veterans seemed to be well and strong, and Mr. Blaine 
remarked afterwards that they had grasped his hands firmly. 
They both assured him that they expected to see him elected 
President of the United States, and he expressed his gratifi- 
cation in meeting them. When the interview was ended and 
Mr. Blaine stepped upon the platform the people cheered 
again and clamored for a speech, and Mr. Blaine in response 

I thank you my friends, for your kind reception. This old gentle- 
man with whom I have just been talking was born when the country had 
but 3,000,000 of people; it has now about 60,000,000. He was born when 
we had just escaped from colonial dependence, and he has lived to see 
this among the leading nations of the world. If we desire to keep it up, 
let us maintain those principles on which alone a true Republic can rest. 
[Great cheering.] 



The next stop was made at Marion. The people there 
seemed wild with excitement. Mr. Blaine spoke a few words 
of thanks and encouragement. At several small stations 
there was loud cheering as the train passed. 

At Upper Sandusky there was another enthusiastic crowd, 
and here again the people demanded a speech, and Mr. Blaine 

A speech, my friends, is quite unnecessary. A speech on political 
topics is too late. Action is the word now. [Great cheering.] To-morrow 
Ohio is to proclaim the result of the Presidental election. I hope th© 
Eepubhcans of the State are ready for the trial. ["We are ready for it!" 
"We are ready!" and prolonged cheers.] 

At 4:40 the train reached Toledo, and Mr. Blaine and 
party were driven quietly to the Boody House. 

October 14th. Mr. Blaine left Toledo for Michigan. At 
Detroit Junction he received a hearty greeting from 1,200 of 
the brawny mechanics who worked in the factories there. 
They were genuine workingmen; their well-developed mus- 
cles their clothing, their horny hands, and the look upon 
their faces showed that they had just left their shops. A 
half dozen of them carried a banner from a housetop bearing 
the names of Blaine and Logan. Mr. Blaine could not refuse 
to speak to such earnest men, and said: 

The question in this country of a protective tariff has reference 
primarily to the wages of labor. Almost any article that you take has 90 
and odd per cent, of its cost made up in labor. A steamship, for instance, 
that costs $500,000 when it is launched, contains only $5,000 worth of 
material and over $495,000 worth of labor. A ton of pig-metal that sells 
to-day for $20 in the market is made up of 75 cents worth of material and 
$19.25 worth of labor. Therefore a protective tariff, if it is worth any- 
thing, is valuable because of its influence upon the wages of labor, and 
that influence is felt in the difference between the wages paid to the 
mechanic and the laboring man in this country and the wages paid in 
Europe. If the protective tariff fails to secure better wages in this 
country than are paid in Europe for the same work, then it is a failure. 
If it does not fail to do that, and if it does assure better wages here than are 
paid in Europe, then it is for the interest of the laboring men of the country 
to support it. You are free men. You have a right to vote exactly as 
you please. The question of a protective tariff will be submitted to you 
three weeks from this day. You can aid in voting it up or in voting it 
down. You can aid in making it a part of the permanent policy of this 
country, or you can aid in destroying it. 



At the Wooodward Avenue Station, Detroit, Mr. Blaine 
was met by an immense throng escorted by the different clubs, 
headed by the Alger Troop of Detroit. The Committee had 
detailed L. B. King, Col. Frank Croul, William E. Frank, 
Charles H. Hodges, and Charles Wright to ride in the car- 
riage with Blaine and Fremont. A balcony reaching out 
over the street from the Eussell had been prepared, and was 
tastefully decorated with flags and the magic names of the 
candidates. The scene in front of the hotel when Mr. Blaine 
appeared upon the balcony and after making a brief speech 
introduced Gen. Fremont, far surpassed anything of the kind 
ever witnessed in Detroit. The great campus was beauti- 
fully illuminated with electric lights, while colored decora- 
tions from the city hall and surroundings made a picturesque 
background to the great crowd, which must have numbered 
fully 75,000 people. 


October 15th, Mr. Blaine left Detroit at 10 A. M., by 
special train on the Detroit, Lansing & Northern Koad, for a 
trip through the State. There were several hundred people 
at the depot, who cheered Mr. Blaine when he appeared. In 
the party were Gen. Fremont, the two Michigan Senators, 
Palmer and Conger, Senator Hall, J. H. Manley of Augusta? 
Me. ; E,. G. Horr, Judge Isaac Marston, Chairman Yanzile of 
the Republican State Committee, Collector J. H. Stone, 
Charles T. Gorman, ex-Assistant Secretary of the Interior, 
and several other prominent citizens of the State. The first 
stop was at Plymouth, where there was a large crowd. Mr. 
Blaine was introduced, and the people cheered and called for 
a speech. Mr. Blaine bowed and merely said: "The only 
speech in order to-day, my friends, is one of congratulation 
on Ohio's vote of yesterday." 

At Stark, Howellville, and Williamston there were large 
crowds at eacb place. Mr. Blaine spoke a few words of con- 
gratulation on the result of the election in Ohio, and then 
introduced Gen. Fremont. Both gentlemen were enthu- 
siastically received. Mr. Horr and Gen. Alger, the Bepub- 
lican candidate for Governor, also made brief speeches at 
some of the places where the train stopped. There was a 
great crowd at Lansing, and several short speeches were made. 
The party arrived there in the evening, and remained until 
the day following, when they left for Muskegon. 

Mr. Blaine left Grand Rapids at half -past 9 the morning 
of the 16th. A swift run was made to the west during the 
first part of the day. The first important stop was at Hol- 
land, a large Dutch settlement, where the entire population 
turned out. 

Between there and Muskegon there are a number of 



Scandinavian settlements, which turned out in large numbers. 

At Muskegon there was an assembly of over 5,000 working 
men. Speeches were made by Mr. Blaine, the two Michigan 
Senators, and Gen. Alger, the candidate for Governor. The 
key argument of all the speeches was the tariff. It was a 
question for workingmen to consider whether they would 
vote against the protection party and thereby cut down their 
own wages. It was at this place that a new name was given 
to Mr. Blaine. Senator Palmer after speaking of Gen. Fremont 
as the Pathfinder, described Mr. Blaine as the Path-Pursuer. 

The journey from Muskegon to Saginaw City, the capital 
of the eastern lumber regions, was made without special 
incident. The important stops were St. Johns and Owosso, 
where there were crowds of 5,000. Mr. Blaine made nothing 
during the day that could be called a speech. He saved him- 
self as much as possible, so as to rest from the enormous 
fatigue of the previous day. He arrived soon after 6 o'clock, 
when he was given a warm welcome. 

Mr, Blaine was driven to the Bancroft House on his arrival 
at East Saginaw, where he took tea about 9 P. M. Mr. Blaine, 
Gen. Fremont, and Gen. Alger, were driven to a stand in the 
principal square, around which were assembled several 
thousand people. Mr. Blaine introduced Gen. Fremont as 
the first candidate of the Republican party, and the one whose 
candidacy had aroused more enthusiasm than that of any 
other. After Gen. Fremont had returned thanks in a brief 
speech the calls for Mr. Blaine were renewed, and in response 
he said: 

Speaking as I was just now, of the great enthusiasm which attended 
the candidacy of Gen. Fremont, and speaking thus of great pohtical 
leaders, I am reminded — and could not indeed but be reminded when 
standing on Michigan soil — of a great leader whom you have lost since I 
last visited Michigan upon a political errand. When last I traversed your 
State it was under the auspices of Zachariah Chandler [great cheering], 
and I am sure that in that illustrious body of pohtical leaders whom the 
developments and progress of the Republican party produced there was 
not one who excelled — I do not recall one who equaled — him in the great 
attributes of undaunted courage, of clear and keen foresight, of great 
personal force, which not only secured to him a body of followers whose 
zeal equaled his own, but made him a terror to the opposition always. 


["Good! good!" and cheers.] But if leaders die, principles survive [great 
cheering]; and though the RepubUcan party has lost Chandler and many- 
others of the great men who founded it, the party itself still hves, and its 
principles are as vital to-night as they were when they stirred the hearts of 
those great men who laid broad and deep the foundations of its success 
and perpetuity. ["You are right," and cheers.] 

We stand now near the close of a National struggle — a struggle which 
involves much to the people of the United States, a struggle which 
involves much to the people of Michigan, a struggle in which Michigan 
will have an important and influential voice. [Cheers.] All political 
campaigns begin with many issues, and nearly all poHtical campaigns 
end with only one issue. The progress of discussion eliminates non- 
essential questions and those of minor importance, and finally the parties 
struggle over the one absorbing and controlling issue. That issue now is 
whether this country shall maintain a protective tariff. ["That's what we 
want," and cheers.] That question is one which vitally affects the pros- ' 
perity of Michigan, and therefore I assume that when I refer to that 
issue I refer to one in which you take a deep interest. Are the people of 
Michigan in favor of protection? [Many voices: "Yes," "Yes."] Or are 
they in favor of free trade? [Loud cries of "No," "No."] Then if you 
are for protection and against free trade you will vote the Republican 
ticket, because to vote the Democratic ticket is to support the party which 
for fifty-one years has steadily opposed protection, and that I know you 
will not do. ["No." "No."] You will pardon me for saying that you can 
make your will felt in the most emphatic, direct, and conclusive manner 
by supporting your Representative for Congress. [Cheers for Horr.] 
That is where the popular voice tells, and you know as well as I know- 
that there has been no more consistent and courageous upholder of the 
doctrine of protection than my distinguished friend Mr. Horr, who now 
sits beside me. [Cheers.] Therefore, if the voters of this district prefer 
high wages in America to low wages; if they prefer home manufactures 
to foreign manufactures; if you desire prosperity at your own firesides, 
you will support the Representative who has been faithful, and not only 
faithful, but intelligent, and not only intelligent, but zealous. Good 

October 17th, tlie first stop made after leaving East 
Saginaw was at Bay City, a lumbering town. Here IMr. 
Blaine made a pointed talk in favor of his policy of making 
the tariff the one issue of the campaign. He and Gen. Fre- 
mont were escorted through the city to a stand in the park, 
around which were assembled fully 15,000 people. After a 
short speech by Senator Palmer, JMr. Blaine was introduced. 
He spoke very briefly, and then introduced Gen. Fremont. 
At Lapeer, where there were 5,000 people, he spoke from 
a stand near the train. 


At Port Huron the Blaine party was conveyed in carriages- 
to the village square. Six thousand people were in the 
audience. The significant feature here was the introduction 
of Mr. Blaine by the Bev. S. Hastings Ross, one of the most 
influential of the prominent Congregational ministers of the 
State. He is at present State Superintendent of Public 
Instruction. Mr. Ross dwelt upon the fact that all who were 
in favor of clean living, of preserving the purity of family 
life, should support Mr. Blaine. 

At Flint, Mr. Blaine made the principal speech of the day. 
After calling attention to the protective tariff as the great 
issue of the campaign, and expressing his belief that Michi- 
gan, a State so much interested in protection, would follow 
the lead of Ohio, said: 

I have received since I have been in this State two or three letters 
from persons asking me to state whether I had ever been a member of the 
Ejiow-Nothing party. In connection with these inquires from persons 
in Michigan I have received some telegrams from the Pacific coast asking 
whether I was not a supporter of Mr. FiUmore when he ran in 1856 as the 
native American candidate for the Presidency. Let me say, in full and 
explicit reply to these inquiries by letter and telegraph, that I never was 
a member of the Know-Nothing order; that I never voted for a man 
who was nominated by it, either for a State or for a National office; and 
that instead of supporting Mr. Fillmore in 1856, when I was a young man 
of twenty-six, I had the honor to be a member of the National Bepub- 
Hcan Convention which nominated Gen. Fremont [cheers]; and as the 
General is now on this platform he will be able to bear testimony that, 
however inefficient my support may have been, it was very earnest and 
very ardent. [Renewed cheering.] I was then the junior editor of the 
Kennebec Journal, and the paper was entirely devoted to Gen. Fremont's 
advocacy, and aided in giving him the largest majority ever cast in Maine 
for a Presidential candidate of any party. [Cheers.] The Know-Nothing 
order holds views in regard to immigration and naturalization with which 
I never had any sympathy, and from which I never hesitated to express 

But, in connection with that subject, let me say that there are at 
present three wrongs which, in my judgment, require correction 

First, I think that the habit which has grown up on the part of 
some European countries of sending their paupers to the United States 
ought not to be longer tolerated. ["Good," "Good," and cheers.] I 
believe in the good old American system which requires that each town 
or each county shall take care of its own poor. [-'That's it," "That's it'" 
and cheers.] If in European countries their laws tend to impoverish 


their working people those countries ought to take care of them when 
reduced to want, instead of shipping them to us. [Great cheering.] 

Second, and still more objectionable, is the practice of shipping their 
criminals to us, as has been done, in many cases criminals being released 
from punishment on condition that they shall come to the United States. 
I think that is a very grave offense against this country which should not 
be permitted. [Cheers.] 

Third, if a tariff for protection is designed to elevate the laboring- 
man of this country and secure him good wages — and if it is not for that 
it is not for anything — then I think the custom which some men are try- 
ing to introduce of importing cheap contract labor from foreign countries 
to compete with home labor ought to be prohibited. [Kenewed cheering.] 
It is a species of servitude, against the spirit of our laws, and injures all 
who are in any way connected with it. 

These are three evils that I think ought to be remedied. But, as to 
every honest immigrant seeking to better his condition, whether he come 
from the British Isles or from the great German Empire, from the sunny 
climes of the Latin nations, or from the brave Scandinavian races of the 
North, we bid him god-speed and give him hearty welcome and hospi- 
tality; and, when he is admitted to citizenship, we assure him protection 
at home and abroad. [Prolonged cheers.] Once among us and of us, his 
rights are equal before the law with those of the native-born citizen. No 
distinction can be tolerated among those who are clothed with the honor 
of American citizenship. [Renewed cheering.] 

Quite a stop was made at Pontiac. It was reached about 
dark. Here people had come for miles about from a thickly- 
settled agricultural region. Although the town has not 
over 5,000 inhabitants, fully 8,000 people gathered at the 
station to hear Mr. Blaine. Just before the train was pulled 
out from Pontiac there was an interesting scene at the rear of 
the train. The students from the military institute at 
Orchard Lake, some seventy in number, were marched up after 
Mr. Blaine had retired to his room. The boys, who dress in 
the West Point uniform, and who are under the instruction 
of a regular army officer, presented a very fine appearance as 
they were drawn up in double row near the train. IMr. 
Blaine and Gen. Fremont, in response to the boyish cheers 
of the students, came out on the rear platform. IMr. Blaine's 
face in the presence of young men always lights up with an 
interest that he rarely shows in the presence of adults. His 
graceful words to the boys called out the heartiest of cheers. 
Then he turned and introduced Gen. Fremont to them as the 


exemplar of a soldier, and a hero, and a gentlemen. When 
Gen. Fremont returned to the car after this last incident he 
said: "I have had enough compliments now, I think, to last 
me all my life." On his arrival at Detroit, Mr. Blaine was 
driven to Mrs. Chandler's residence, where he spent the night. 

The first stop of importance, October 18th, after leaving 
Detroit was at the university town of Ann Arbor. It was 
at this university that the students took a vote to declare their 
choice for a Presidential candidate before the June Chicago 
Convention had met. The students by 500 majority declared 
in favor of Mr Blaine; so when the train stopped Mr. 
Blaine found his car flanked by 1,200 excited young men. 
They stood in a solid, compact group, crowding back the 
townspeople with the usual assumption of college lads. They 
set up the university yell the moment the train stopped, and 
kept up a steady yelp as if they never meant to stop. An 
interesting episode in the reception was the struggle over a 
banner of the law students bearing the legend. "The law stu- 
dents solid for Blaine." This banner incensed some Cleve- 
land men, and, under the leadership of a Texas hoodlum, 
they succeeded in capturing it and tearing it to pieces. The 
Blaine men immediately sent one of their men up-town, and 
in a very short time, before the train arrived, he returned 
with another banner, exactly similar to the first. This was 
carefully gaurded, and triumphantly displayed from an 
inpregnable position on a freight-car. Just as the train was 
about to start the banner was transferred to a gentleman on 
the rear platform, and the law students were afforded the 
pleasure of seeing their banner waved from the platform as 
the train slowly disappeared. 

When the wild cheering and yelling with which Mr. Blaine 
was received had subsided, Mr. Blaine said: 

During the war we used to hear much about the rebel yell. [Laughter.] 
It was said to imply great vigor and determination, but it seems to me 
that the young men who did me the honor to appear here to-day could 
have terrified the whole army of Lee. [Laughter and cheers.] But I am 
glad to witness it and hear it, for it impHes the enthusiasm and strength 
of youth; and from the youth of the country the Republican party is con- 
stantly recruited. [Wild cheering.] What we lose from desertion, and 


disappointment, and dissatisfaction on the part of the elders is far more 
than made up — yea, tenfold made up — by the young men of the country 
who are just coming into action. [Great cheering.] I wish to leave with these 
young collegians a problem in relation to one of the great industrial issues 
of the time — a problem which will confront them in their future careers — 
that is, to find out why so many college youths who are free-traders at 
twenty become protectionists at forty. [Laughter and cheers.] I think 
the answer will be found in the fact that at forty they have taken the 
.degrees in the university of experience, which, after all, is much wider, 
much more valuable than the university of theory [cheers] in which our 
college boys are taught. I was myself taught when I was a college boy 
the doctrine of free trade, but the United States stands as a perpetual 
:and irrefutable argument and example of the value in a new country of 
the doctrine of protection. [Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.] I am 
glad to meet you — not merely as those interested in a political campaign — 
but as young men who are the pride and hope of the country. In deal- 
ing with the great problems of the future in this marvelous experiment of 
a people governing themselves by free and universal suffrage, nothing 
■can avail except our educated and constantly corrected public opinion. 
[Cheers.] I wish to impress upon every man who has the advantage of a 
university education that he is every day more and more placed in debt to 
his country, and that just in proportion as he progresses in knowledge 
and wisdom, just in that proportion will he be expected to pay back in 
patriotic la,bor the country which has nurtured him. ["Good," "Good," 
and cheers.] I congratulate you on being born to such great oppor- 
tunities, to a harvest that is ripe for the reaper, into a field that is con- 
tinually expanding. By the time you have your degrees you will go forth 
io the battle of life in a great Nation of 60,000,000 freemen. You go forth, 
each of you, with just as good a chance in life as any other man has, and 
you go with the added opportunities which education gives. I commend 
you to your responsibiUties, for the responsibilities of an educated 
American are higher, and deeper, and broader, and greater than those of 
an educated man in any other land; and just in proportion as your oppor- 
tunities are greater will you be held to account in this life and the life 
which is to come. [Great and prolonged cheering.] 

At Jackson, fully 20,000 people were in the vicinity of the 
depot to meet IMr. Blaine. A local committee decorated a flat 
car, to which Mr. Blaine stepped, accompanied by Gen. Alger 
and others. The Plumed Knight's appearance was the signal for 
the vent of pent-up enthusiasm. Gov. Blair introduced JVIr. 
Blaine, who addressed the audience for a few minutes. He 
spolie of the pleasure it gave him to see such a multitude 
and to visit a city which was so intimately associated with the 


youth of the Republican party. He asked the people if they 
were ready for free trade, when a shout went up "No!" 
Tariff was the great issue, and Michigan, he believed, would 
speak her old voice in November. 

At Kalamazoo there were 10,000 to hear Blaine in the 
park. After the party left. Congressman Lacy spoke to an 
immense audience with telling effect. 

At Dowagiac, the largest crowd ever seen in Cass County 
welcomed Mr. Blaine. He addressed the people for fifteen 
minutes from the stand in the city park. 


The introduction of the Man from Maine to the first 
Hoosier gathering in his route was highly gratifiying. The 
early morning trains to South Bend came loaded, by daylight 
the farmers came rattling in, and later came crowded excursion 
trains and delegations by teams from surrounding towns, some 
of them twenty-four miles away. About seventy crowded 
€oaches came in on the several roads. None competent to 
judge placed the outside participants at less than 12,000, and 
from that to 15,000. They had all they could attend to. The 
<}itizens along the route of the procession had festooned and 
decorated their places of business and residences. Many 
Democrats joined in this for the honor of the town. The 
most elaborately decorated were the residences of Chairman 
Studebaker and James Oliver. 

The first feature of the programme was a monster indus- 
trial parade by the manufacturers of South Bend and Misha- 
waka, swelled by additions from the farmers' showing of 
features of agriculture. 

The train bearing Mr. Blaine and company arrived by the 
Michigan Central Boad a little after 3 o'clock, October 18th. 
The arrival was announced by a salute of thirteen guns. 
At the depot, within the lines of Plumed Knights, were 
stationed a number of little girls dressed to represent States, 
one of whom presented Mr. Blaine a bouquet with the 
words, "We present you the vote of Indiana." On the tak- 
ing of carriages by Mr. Blaine and party the procession 
moved through the principal streets the line of march taking 
a full hour. At the speaking stand Senator Conger of 
Michigan led off in a brief speech, followed by Senator 
Palmer of the same State. The Hon. Myron Campbell then 
presented Mr. Blaine, who spoke in a most vigorous manner. 



At the close of the speaking the Michigan delegation took 
leave of Mr. Blaine, who was driven to the residence of 
Mr. Clement Studebaker, where he spent the night. 

The following is Mr. Blaine's South Bend speech: 

Men of Indiana: The struggle in all human society is first for breadr 
There is no use in propounding fine theories to a man who is hungry. There 
is no use in commending a political principle to one who is in need of 
shelter. There is no use in talking philosophy to one who is naked. 
Food and clothing are the primary requirements of human society, the 
primary elements of human progress, and to secure this you must put the 
people in the way of earning good wages. [Shouts of "That's right!" and 
cheers.] I never saw any man moved to enthusiasm by silently con- 
templating the prosperity of another [laughter], while he himself was in 
need. To move him you want to make him feel his own prosperity. 
[Cheers.] The beginning, therefore, and the end of wise legislation is to 
give to every man a fair and equal chance, to leave the race of Hfe open 
and free for all. [Cheers.] What agency wiU best accompHsh that? 
What legislation will most tend to that end? Certainly it will not tend to 
that end to throw open our ports and say: Send ye all here your fabrics 
made by the cheapest and most distressed labor of Europe to compete 
with our own people who are just opening their shops and building their 
factories. For if you do that you cannot spin a wheel or turn a lathe in these 
factories at home unless you can get your labor at the European prices. 
[Voices: "That's so."] We begin right there. From these considerations 
we deduce the conclusion that the protective tariff is primarily for the 
benefit of the laboring man, because, if you take in your hand any manu- 
factured article, or cast your eye upon anything which can not be taken 
in the hand, you find that the chief constituent element in its cost is the 
labor. In many cases the material is but one per cent, and the labor is 
ninety-nine per cent, m the cost of the article. Therefore, all legislation 
of a protective character is, and must be, mainly for the benefit of labor, 
because labor is the principal element in the cost of the fabric. Hence, 
if there be any man who is pre-eminently and above all others interested 
in the tariff it is the laboring man. [Cheers.] If you compare the two 
great poHtical parties in relation to this question you find that the Kepub- 
lican party lives, moves, breathes, and has its being in protection. [Great 
cheering.] A protective tariff was one of the first fruits of the election of 
Mr. Lincoln. We have had it for twenty years on the statute books, with 
various amendments which have been added from time to time, to make 
it more protective, and the result is that all history, ancient, modern and 
mediaeval, may be challenged for a national progress Hke unto that we have 
made since 1861. [Renewed cheers.] I am merely reciting the facts and fig- 
ures of your Assessors' books and of the United States census tables,when 
I say that in the last twenty years of the history of this country we have- 


added more wealth, double over, than we had acquired since the discovery 
of the country by Columbus down to the election of Abraham Lincoln. 
[Prolonged cheering.] There must h:;ro been some pecuhar and potent 
agent at work to produce this great result. That agent was the protec- 
tive tariff operating to nerve the arm of labor and reward it fairly and 
liberally. [Cheers.] Whether that policy shall be continued or whether 
it shall be abandoned is the controlling issue in this campaign. All other 
questions are laid aside for the time. There are many which are worthy 
of consideration, but two weeks from Tuesday next we shall have an elec- 
tion in every State in the Union, to determine with reference to this ques- 
tion, the character of the next Congress and the future pohcy of the 
Government. You have before you the Repubhcan party, pledged to 
sustain the protective tariff, and illustrating that pledge by a specific and 
consistent example, extending through the last twenty-three years. You 
have on the other hand, the Democratic party ,which in fifty-one years, since 
1833, has never in a single instance voted for protection, and never con- 
trolled a Congress that it did not oppose protection. [Cries of "That's so."] 
I say, therefore, to the laboring men and to the mechanics, some of 
whom may do me the honor to listen to me, your unions, your leagues, all 
those associations you have formed for your own advantage and your own 
advancement, are well and proper in their way. It is your right to have 
them and to administer them as you choose, but they are not as strong as 
a rope of sand against the ill-paid labor of Europe, if you take away the 
protective tariff which is now your background and support. [Cheers.] 
So do not be deluded by the idea that you can dispense with the protect- 
ive tariff and substitute for it your labor unions. [Kenewed cheering.] I 
do not distract your attention with any other question. I do not stop to 
dwell upon the great issues that have been made and settled by the 
Eepublicans within the last twenty-three years. That party has made a 
deeper and more serious imprint in history than any other political 
organization that ever was charged with a great responsibility, and it is 
the patriotic pride of every man who has belonged to it that he has 
belonged to it, its responsibilities, its triumphs, its honors. [Great cheers.] 

Sunday, October 19t]i, Mr. Blaine remained at Mr. Stude- 
baker's all day without receiving callers. He went out late 
in the afternoon to call upon bis cousin, Sister Angela, who 
is Superior of the Notre Dame Educational School for Young 

Mr. Blaine took supper in company with some fifty invited 
guests. The Eev. Father Walsh introduced him to the stu- 
dents in a short speech. Mr. Blaine responded as follows: 

I never feel more pleasure in standing before an audience thin when 
it is composed of young men, the future hope of our grand young Ilepub- 


lie. The possibilities that are before you are possibihties of great suc- 
cesses or of great failures. You should remember that you are in a country 
possessing the widest prospects, and that the responsibilty of educated 
Americans is greater than responsibility of educated men elsewhere. The 
responsibility devolving upon you is of a political, literary, and religious 
character, and you should have a thorough moral training to discharge it, 
and to give an account of yourselves, not only in this life, but in the greater 
and better life to come. I had the pleasure of meeting yesterday a num- 
ber of young men of the University of Michigan, and told them', as I now 
tell you, that your responsibilities are increased in proportion to the edu- 
cational advantages which you possess; that your countrymen wiU hold 
you accountable for them. By making a proper use of your time and 
opportunities, you will be enabled to discharge your duties honorably. 

After supper Mr. Blaine returned to the residence of 
Mr. Studebaker, where he spent the night. 


October 20th Mr. Blaine traveled from South Bend to 
Fort Wayne. At Elkhart there were 8,000 people about a 
handsomely-decorated platform. There Mr. Blaine confined 
his talk to the tariff issue, but at Goshen, the next stop, where 
he spoke to 6,000 people, he introduced a new issue into the 
canvass by calling attention to the menace of a solid South 
fiince West Virginia had made her declaration. Said he : 

We are confronted with the menace of a solid South. Shall the votes 
of New York and Indiana be joined to the South to enable the Democratic 
party to win ? If it should win will not the South rule the administration? 
Naturally its first move would be towards a breaking down of the poHcy 
of the protective tariff, as the South has for years been devoted to free 
trade. Are you prepared to surrender this Government to the guidance 
of the men who sought to destroy it ? 

J. M. Van Fleet introduced Mr. Blaine here. 

At Ligonier, a small village, there was a crowd of 4,000 
people. A large picture of Garfield hung from the center of 
the stand. Mr. Blaine walked up through a handsome arch 
of welcome over a carpet strewn with flowers. Young girls 
in white lined each side of the path. 

At Kendallville, the last stop before Lafayette was reached, 
there were fully 10,000 people. There was a very handsome 
company of young ladies, who wore regular campaign uni- 
forms of white trimmed with scarlet. These young ladies 
marched in the procession and took as active a part in the 
proceedings as any of the young men ; indeed this appearance 
of young ladies in uniform was one of the features of to-day's 

At Fort Wayne Mr. Blaine spoke to 20,000 people. He 
said . 

Citizens of Indiana: The October elections in Ohio and "West 
Virginia have put a new phase on the National contest, or .rather they 



have reproduced the old phase. ['' Good."] The Democratic party, as of 
old, consider now they have the South solid again ; they believe that they 
will surely get 153 Electoral votes from the sixteen Southern States, and 
they expect, or they hope, or they dream, that they may secure New 
York and Indiana [" Never! Never!" "It is a dream! "] and that with New 
York and Indiana added to the solid South, they will seize the Govern- 
ment of the Nation. [" They can't do it — never! "] I do not believe that 
the farmers, the business men, the manufacturers, the merchants, the 
mechanics, and, last of all and most of all, I do not believe that the sol- 
diers of Indiana can be put to that use. [Great cheering and cries of 
"Never! Never!"] I do not believe that the men who added lustre and 
renown to your State through four years of bloody war can be used to- 
call to the administration of the Government the men who organized the 
great Eebellion. [" No !" "No ! " " Never ! "] In the Senate of the United 
States the Democratic party have thirty-seven members, of which number 
thirty-two come from the South. Of their strength in the House 
of Kepresentatives the majority of Eepresentatives come from the 
South, and now the intention is, with an absolutely solidified Electoral 
vote from the South, added to the votes of the two States I have named, 
to seize the Government of the Union. ["It can't be done!" "That 
seizure can never be made."] That means a great deal ; it means that as 
the South furnishes three-fourths of the Democratic strength, it will be 
given the lead and control of the Nation in event of a Democratic 
triumph. It means that the great financial and industrial system of the 
country shall be placed under the direction of the South ; that our cur- 
rency, our banks, our tariffs, our internal-revenue laws— in short, that 
our whole system upon which the business of the country depends shall 
be placed under the control of that section. It means that the Constitu- 
tional amendments to which they are so bitterly opposed shall be enforced 
only so far as they may believe in them; that the National credit a» 
guaranteed in the Fourteenth Amendment, that the payment of pensions- 
to the soldiers of the Union as guaranteed in the same amendment, shall 
be under their control ; and what that control might mean can be 
measured by the bitterness with which those amendments were resisted 
by the Democrats of the South. There is not one measure of banking, 
of tariff, of finance, of public credit, of pensions ; not one line of admin- 
istration upon which the Government is conducted to-day, to which the 
Democrats of the South are not recorded as hostile, and to give them 
control would mean a change the like of which has not been known in 
modern times. It would be as if the dead Stuarts were recalled to the 
throne of England ; as if the Bourbons should be invited to administer 
the Government of the French RepubHc ; as though the Florentine Dukes 
should be called back and empowered to govern the great Kingdom of 
Italy. ["Good!" and cheers.] Such a triumph would be a fearful mis- 
fortune to the South itself. That section, under the wise administration 
of the Government by the Republican party, has been steadily and rapidly 


gaining for the last ten years in all the elements of material prosperity. 
It has added enormously to its wealth since the close of the war, and 
has shared fully in the general advance of the country. To call that 
section now to the rulership of the Nation would disturb its own social 
and poHtical economy, would rekindle smouldering passions, and, under 
the peculiar leadership to which it would be subjected, it would organize 
an administration of resentment, of reprisal, of revenge ; and no greater 
misfortune than that could come to the Nation or to the South. It would 
come as a reaction against the progress of liberal principles in that sec- 
tion — a progress so rapid that the Republicans are waging earnest 
contests in those States whose interests are most demonstrably identified 
with the policy of protection against the baleful spectacle of a solid 

I am sure that Indiana will protest, and, on the whole, will conclude 
to stand where she has stood in the past. I beUeve that you will stand 
where you stood in the war ; that you will stand for the principles and 
the poHcies which have made your State bloom and blossom as the rose, 
and which have made the American Republic in manufactures and in agri- 
culture the leading Nation of the world. [Great cheering.] The leading 
Nation of the world, not merely in a material sense, but in a moral, 
philanthropic sense — a country iu which every man has as good a chance 
as every other man, and which, among other great gifts, bestows abso- 
lutely free suffrage. [Cheers.] You enjoy that suffrage, and the 4th day 
of November next you are to say for which party, for which policy, you 
wiU cast your votes. [Loud cries of " For Blaine ! " ** For Blaine ! "] Not 
me personally. ["Yes." "Yes."] No, I am not speaking for myself. No 
man ever met with a misfortune in being defeated for the Presidency, 
while men have met great misfortunes in being elected to it. I am 
pleading no personal cause. I am pleading the cause of the American 
people. ["That's it!" and cheers.] I am pleading the cause of the 
American farmer and American manufacturer, and the American 
mechanic and the American laborer against the world. [" Good! Good! 
Good!" and great cheers.] I am reproached by some excellent people 
for appearing before these multitudes of my countrymen, upon the 
ground that it is inconsistent with the dignity of the office for which I am 
named. ["No! No!"] I do not feel it to be so; there is not a courtier 
in Europe so proud but that he is glad to uncover his head in the 
presence of his sovereign. So I uncover in the presence of the only 
earthly sovereignty I acknowledge, and bow with pride to the free people 
of America. [Great and prolonged cheeiing.] 

Mr. Blaine was seen by over 200,000 people from the 
time he left Fort Wayne October 21st, up to the time he 
entered Senator Harrison's house at Indianapolis that evening. 
At Andrew's Station there was a brass band wholly made up 


of blooming young women with military caps cocked jauntily 
upon their saucy heads, while their figures were resplendent 
in gold-braided uniforms of the vivandiere model. 

At Huntington and Andrews there were 8,000 people ; at 
Wabash there were 10,000; at Peru 10,000 more. At Logans- 
port 25,000 were present. 

At Wabash fully 15,000 people had assembled. Upon 
leaving the train Mr. Blaine walked over to the platform 
which had been erected for the occasion and delivered a 
speech of ten minutes. Never before has there been such an 
enthusiastic political gathering in Wabash, and all day long 
the air was filled with cheers for Blaine and Logan. 

At Peru Mr. Blaine waved his handkerchief at the crowd 
as the train moved off, leaving them waving hats and 

At Logansport the people gave Mr. Blaine a magnificent 
ovation. The stand had been erected so that Mr. Blaine 
could step from his car to the stand. His arrival was greeted 
with the roar of cannon, the blowing of whistles, the beating 
of drums, and the deafening cheers of the people. Mr. 
Blaine was introduced by Col. T. H. Bringhurst. His address, 
which consumed about fifteen minutes, was devoted to the 
tariff and a fair ballot. A feature of his speech here was a 
touching allusion and graceful tribute to Maj. David Con- 
rad, an old citizen recently deceased, on the tail gate of whose 
wagon young Blaine used to swing in ye old time back in 
Pennsylvania. Mr. Blaine recognized two other old resi- 
dents of Logansport, and expressed great satisfaction at this 
renewal of old acquaintance. 

At Kokomo Mr. Blaine was introduced by the Hon. Mil- 
ton Garrigus, Chairman of the County Committee, and spoke 
for ten minutes, confining his remarks to the tariff chiefly. 

At Tipton a temporary stand was erected near the Wabash 
depot for the speaker. When Mr. Blaine made his appear- 
ance he was introduced by C. T. Doxey, Eepublican candidate 
for Congress in the district. His remarks were mainly on 
the tariff. He spoke in favor of a protective tariff which 
protected the laboring man and the manufacturing industries 
of the country. 


At Indianapolis the features of the reception of Mr, 
Blaine, after the immensity of the crowd, were the enthu- 
siasm that marked the vast crowds thronging the streets and 
the non-partisan character of the affair as manifested by the 
very general decoration of business houses and residences, 
not only along the line traversed by the guest in reaching 
the speaking place from the cars, but all over the city. Even 
in front of the residence of the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, 
Democratic candidate for Yice-President, sported in the 
wind a handsome flag. Swelling the crowd were uniformed 
clubs from Springfield, Dayton, Bellefontaine, Camden, 
Miamisburg and Columbus, O., beside a myriad of delega- 
tions from Indiana towns, near and far. The Ohio delegations- 
in the parades of both afternoon and night was the marked 
feature of the affairs. It numbered almost 3,000, forty car- 
loads having come from various points in the Buckeye State* 
The train bearing Mr. Blaine was late reaching the city, but 
the acres of people patiently waited for his coming, and when 
he stopped from the train the cheering was simply one 
immense overwhelming volume, a prolonged roar from thou- 
sands of lusty throats, and so great was the rush that the 
Beception Committee was overwhelmed and scattered to the 
four winds. Mr. Blaine, standing in his carriage, acknow- 
ledged the salutations while pressing ahead as best he could. 
The journey along Washington street was one tremendous 
ovation, the street the entire length being densely packed 
with humanity. At Military Park fully 25,000 people gath- 
ered when Mr. Blaine arrived. 


Arrived at the park Mr. Blaine ascended the stand and 
delivered the following speech : 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens:—! feel that such a magnificent recep- 
tion as that which I have had to-day in the capital of Indiana is so 
complete in itself that a speech cannot add to its effect, and that I should 
content myself with offering you, as I do, my profound and heartfelt 
thanks. [" Go on," and cheers.] In no State of the Union, in no city of 
the Union, could such a reception and such a welcome be more signifi- 
cant in itself or more grateful to me personally. [Great cheering.] We 


stand on the eve of an important National election — an election in whose 
decision Indiana will have a potential voice. [" We'll settle it! "] She is 
looked to by our opponents, as she has been in former years, as an ally 
of the " Solid South " against her sister States of the North. [" Never! "] 
Since the election in West Virginia the Democratic party count upon a 
solid vote in the South, and I may be permitted to express the opinion 
that no more unpatriotic thing can be done than for Northern men to 
urge a continued solidification based upon the memories of the Rebellion. 
[Great cheering.] It has been the aim and desire of the RepubUcan 
party to develop the material interest of the South, and to make her peo- 
ple forget, and the Nation forget, that we have ever been foes, remembering 
only that we are citizens of a common Union under a common Constitu- 
tion, looking to a common destiny. [Cheers.] But our opponents meet 
us in an entirely different spirit and with an entirely different course of 
action. Instead of the memories of the Union, they invoke the prejudices 
of the Rebellion in their aid, and they ask that New York and Indiana 
shall join the unholy alliince and turn the National Government over to 
the South. ["Never!" "Never!"] I do not believe it can be done. 
["No!" "No!" "Never!"] I do not believe that Indiana will do that 
under its present leadership any more than it would have done the same 
thing under the leadership of Oliver P Morton, the badge of whose 
memorial club I am proud to wear [placing his hand on his breast — 
enthusiastic cheering]. To say nothing of its significance in other 
aspects, the triumph of the Northern element in the Democratic party 
clearly means the triumph of free trade. It means the breakiag down of 
the great industrial system which has enriched the United States so 
marvelously in the last twenty-three years, and which has enriched your 
own States in equal degree with other States. Indiana has grown into 
a superb Commonwealth, great in her population, great in her enterprise, 
great in her wealth. Not even known beyond her borders as a manufac- 
turing State when the Republican party came into power in 1861, she 
now turns out in a single year $150,000,000 worth of manufactured 
products. [Cheers.] The development therefore, of your manufacturing 
resources, dependent, as it is upon a protective tariff, is of the highest 
interest to every citizen of the United States. A community that com- 
bines agriculture and manufactures has the necessary conditions for 
attaining an ideal prosperity. I can remember myself — and I am not an 
old man — the time when in my native State of Pennsylvania Gov. Ritner 
was laughed at for saying that the day would come when Pennsylvania 
would not be able to supply breadstuffs and provisions to the miners in 
her mountains and the factories in her towns, yet that day came long ago, 
and Pennsylvania, the first wheat State in the Union as late as 1850, 
depends to-day for a large share of her breadstuffs upon the granaries of 
the West. [Cheers.] When Indiana shall have developed manufactur- 
ing enterprise to such a degree as to be able to consume her own 
agricultural products she will have attained an ideal prosperity, and she 
can do that only by means of a in'otective tariff. [Eenewed cheering.] 


"The issue is in your hands. You are free men. You have a free 
ballot, but in the South we have a milHon of friends who have not a free 
%allot. The South to-day has thirty-seven Electoral votes based upon 
the vote of the colored men, and yet the colored men of the South, 
though a million in number, cannot choose a single Presidential Elector. 
("That's so ! "] As a result of that, the poKtical power of a white man in 
the South is enormously increased beyond that of a white man in Indiana 
•or in Maine. For the time being we will not argue at all the question of 
negro suffrage, but I submit, as a fair proposition to every man in the land, 
that if the South is to have thirty-seven Presidential Electors by reason 
of the negro vote, then the negro himself ought to be allowed to cast his 
l3allot. [" That's it ! " and cheers.] The issue is in your hands. Indiana, 
as I said when I began, will have a potential voice in the decision, and 
from the popular demonstrations I have witnessed since I crossed the 
border of your State I feel, I know — indeed, I am sure — that, upon the 
ground of patriotism and upon the ground of enlightened self interest, 
Indiana may be relied upon to maintain a protective tariff, and to sustain, 
as the assurance thereto, the Republican party. [Great and prolonged 


After dinner a deputation of German- American citizens 
•called upon him and presented the following address : 

The Hon. James G. Blaine: The German-American Republican 
organization of Indianapolis have delegated the undersigned to express 
to you their confidence and esteem. The identity of your public life 
with the rise and progress of our country and our party, the eminent 
services you have rendered to both, are matters of history, and make our 
duty pleasant as it is honorable. Your election to the Presidency will 
honor our country and our party. Inspired by the love of liberty and 
free government, we left the land of our fathers to find a new home in 
this Republic, and looking toward the welfare of this Nation, we have no 
other interests than as American citizens. Looking over the pages of his- 
tory we find the Republican party to have been the party of liberty and 
progress, and we trust it to be the same in the future. Upon these pages 
we find your name and that of the gallant Gen. Logan inscribed with 
golden letters, and we feel that, as heretofore, so you will in the future 
do honor to the country. Please accept this document as a token of our 
appreciation and indorsement of your life, character and pubhc services. 
We welcome you to the capital of our great State. 


Mr. Blaine replied as follows: 

Gentlemen: I am grateful for your call. I am grateful for your 
friendly spirit. I am grateful for your expressions of good will. The 


assurance of German sympathy and German support in Indiana is a 
repetition of what I received in Ohio. My birth and my rearing were in 
a State that made me familiar from childhood with the German charac- 
ter — with its steadiness, its industry, its fidelity, its integrity, its truth in 
friendship, loyalty to Government. Pennsylvania owes much to her 
German population — to the Muhlenbergs, the Heisters, the Wolffs, the 
Snyders, the Shunks — who have illustrated her annals, and with whom I 
am not unconnected by ties of friendship, of inherited associations, in 
some cases of kindred blood. When I reached Ohio I sought conference 
with German friends, and was assured — and subsequent events have con- 
firmed the assurance — that, so far from being hostile to me personally, 
my German fellow-citizens were, as I had a right to expect and as you so 
eloquently declare, friendly and partial to me. Thanking you again, 
gentlemen, for the cordial expressions of your address, I am proud to 
take each one of you by the hand in token of mutual friendship and 


Later a large deputation of clergymen, about thirty in 
number, called upon Mr. Blaine and presented an address, as 
follows : 

The Hon. James G. Blaine: Deab Sie: As Christian ministers we 
extend to you, irrespective of party considerations, a cordial welcome to 
our city, and we bid you a hearty Godspeed. It seems fitting, now that 
you are in the city from which for no other than partisan reasons poisoned 
arrows have been shot at you, that we should at least refer to that fact ; 
but let us assure you that the Christian people of this vicinity have no 
sympathy with any such modes of warfare. We therefore bring to you 
this word of good cheer ; and, further, we beg leave to say that we 
recognize in you a fellow-citizen justly honored, an experienced states- 
man, a patriotic leader, a steadfast friend of both the laborer and the 
oppressed ; in short, a typical American, and, as we trust, the coming 
President of the United States. 

To this Mr. Blaine replied: 

I return you my sincere thanks, gentlemen, for your friendly call. I 
know the influence you wield deservedly in the community in which 
your lives illustrate the teachings you enforce. Although we do not 
have in this country a union of Church and State, I yet recognize the 
great influence which the Christain ministry fairly and properly exercises 
in forming a just public opinion, and I can not in terms too warm express 
the gratitude I feel for your cordial assurance of esteem and support. 

When Mr. Blaine arrived at the depot preparatory to 
leaving Indianapolis, October 23d, a crowd of about 2,000 had 
assembled. The Presidential candidate was received with 


cheers, and made a few remarks complimentary of his recep- 
tion the previous day. The crowds at the various stopping 
places were not so large as those of the 22d. Some of the 
stops were longer than contemplated in the programme, and 
it was almost dark when the train arrived at Evansville. In 
his speech there, after dwelling for some time on the 
necessity for a protective tariff, he spoke of the proposition 
for a Peace Congress as originally designed under the admin- 
istration of President Lincoln. The speaker said: 

Such a movement as that I consider myself to be the basis of a 
sound and wise foreign policy. We seek no intervention in the strug- 
gles and contentions of European governments, but we do seek expansion 
of trade with our American neighbors, and as the pre-requisite thereto, 
we seek friendly and peaceful relations with all countries of North and 
South America. We desire not only to be peaceful and friendly with 
these nations, but we desire that they shall be peaceful and friendly with 
each other. Almost every Republic of North and South America has 
indicated its desire to meet in a Peace Congress in the city of Washington. 

At Sullivan, space had been reserved for the pupils and 
teachers of the public school, all of whom marched in a body to 
the speaking- stand. The entire faculty and students also 
came in from Merom College, for whom also space had been 
specially laid off. On the arrival of the train the crowd 
began to cheer, and Mr. Blaine ascended the platform amid 
thunders of applause, and made a brief speech. 

At Terre Haute when Mr. Blaine arrived, it was estimated 
that 50,000 people lined the streets of the city. An indus- 
trial parade had been arranged, and it was one of the special 
features of the day. All the trades were represented, 
especially the iron industry. Mr. Blaine was driven the 
entire length of Main street, reviewing the procession in his 
honor. Thence he went to the depot, where he spoke for a 
few minutes to a vast multitude of people. Col. Thompson 
introducing him. 

Mr. Blaine spoke as follows: 

The Southern question, as for years it has been popularly termed, 
is precipitated into the canvass by the South itself, and to neglect to 
notice it would be to overlook one of the most powerful and dangerous 
factors in the National contest. To understand that question properly it 
should be remembered that there are, politically, two Souths, which we 


may term respectively the new South and the old South. The new 
South represents that awakened liberal sentiment which is striving for 
the industrial development of that naturally rich section of the Union, 
which recognizes the necessity of a tariff for protection, which casts the 
bitter memories of the civil conflict behind, and which is hopefully 
struggling in Virginia, in North Carolina, in Tennessee, and in other 
States of the late Confederacy. This element includes many men who 
served in the Confederate armies. It naturally affiliates with the 
Republican party, and it seeks to lead the people away from the preju- 
dices of the past to a contemplation of the majestic future which wise 
and magnanimous action may bring to the South, in common with the 
North. The old South represents the spirit of the RebelUon, and cher- 
ishes sentiments of sullen discontent, is perpetually re-affirming its faith 
in the rightfulness of "the Lost Cause," is full of bitter reproaches 
against those who triumphed in the War for the Union, regards negro 
suffrage with abhorrence, maintains "the white line," and is ready to 
use whatever amount of intimidation or violence that may be necessary 
to preserve its own poHtical and personal mastery in the South. It is 
unquestionably dominant in all the old slave States, and is in open and 
avowed affiliation with the Democratic party of the North. It consti- 
tutes three-fourths of the effective Democratic strength in the Nation, 
and in the event of Democratic triumph would be in absolute and undis- 
puted control of the Government. The struggle of the RepubHcans is 
for the amelioration, improvement and progress of the South, as well as 
of the North, but they are confronted everywhere and resisted every- 
where by the determined and hitherto triumphant Southern Democracy. 
The aim of the Democratic party, as I have already said, is to conjoin 
the Electoral votes of New York and Indiana with the Electoral votes of 
the sixteen Southern States ; and it is for New York and Indiana to con- 
sider just what that means, and where it would carry them. New York 
has a greater stake than any other State of the Union in maintaining 
sound principles of government, in upholding the National credit, in 
perpetuating the financial system which embodies the matured wisdom 
of the last twenty years, in sustaining the protective pohcy. [Cheers.] 
Indiana has a stake less than that of New York only as her population 
and wealth are less. Do the citizens of those two States fuUy compre- 
hend what it means to trust the National credit, the National finances, 
the National pensions, the protective system, and aU the great interests 
which are under the control of the National Government, to the old 
South, with its bitterness, its unreconciled temper, its narrowness of 
vision, its hostility to all Northern interests, its constant longing to 
revive an impossible past, its absolute incapacity to measure the sweep 
and the magnitude of our great future? [Great cheering.] The North 
and the South, under Republican administration of the Government, will 
ultimately come into harmonious relations. In the last ten years great 
progress has been made toward that result, and the next ten years may 


^tness the effacement of all hostilities and the absolute triumph of just 
and magnanimous pohcies. [Renewed cheering.] But all prospects of 
ihat result would be defeated and destroyed by giving the old South 
possession of the National power. Among the first of the baleful effects 
that would follow would be the crushing out of all liberal progress in the 
South, and the practical nullification of aU that has been gained by the 
reconstruction laws which followed the RebelHon. The people of New 
York and the people of Indiana are now asked to aid in bringing about 
that deplorable result, to be followed by the abandonment or the reversal 
of the great financial and industrial policies under which the Nation has 
prospered so marvelously since the close of the war. ["Never! Never!'*] 
I do not, I can not, believe that you will do it, because such a course is 
forbidden by every instinct of patriotism, as well as by every considera- 
tion of enlightened self-interest. [Prolonged cheering.] 

At Brazil tlie arrival of Mr. Blaine's train was the signal 
for an outburst of enthusiasm when he appeared upon the plat- 
form of the car, in company with the Reception Committee. 
He was instantly recognized by the large crowd, and cheers 
ivent up until he had taken his place upon the stand. He was 
at once introduced, and in a few moments absolute quiet was 
restored. Mr. Blaine spoke for about ten minutes. He 
touched upon practical topics. His remarks in relation to 
the tariff, upon which subject he wholly dwelt, touched a 
sympathetic chord and were greatly cheered. He retired 
from the platform to the train amid demonstrations of 

At Greencastle the place selected for receiving Mr. Blaine 
was a beautful hillside west of the city and on the IMonon route. 
A stand was erected at the foot of the hill, whose gentle slope 
gave all a fair opportunity of seeing and hearing the dis- 
tinguished visitor. Sixteen thousand people were there to 
receive Blaine, and as the train pulled in amid firing of can- 
non, tremendous cheers burst forth from the crowd. By a 
single gesture Mr. Blaine silenced the multitude, and for 
fifteen minutes he held his vast audience spell-bound, while 
simply and eloquently he portrayed the relative merits of 
protection and free trade. Mr. Blaine was followed by Gen. 
Lew Wallace in a few remarks. 

At Crawfordsville the people gave Mr. Blaine a mag- 
nificent ovation Mr. Blaine stepped from the train and 


passed up through the line of 100 little girls, all in white, who 
strewed with flowers his pathway to the stand, which was sur- 
rounded by 10,000 people. He was introduced by Thomas L. 
Stilwell, Mayor of the city. Upon reaching the stand Mr. 
Blaine surveyed the party in wonderful amazement, and said: 
" Where does it commence, and where does this crowd end?" 
Mr. Blaine's speech was principally on the tariff, as else- 

At La Fayette the Blaine party was met by a Keception 
Committee of 200 of the best citizens — gentlemen from every 
walk of life — bankers, merchants, and professional men, from 
counting-rooms and the shops — all anxious to greet the^ 
Plumed Knight of Maine. Mr. Blaine was introduced by 
Mr, James M. Reynolds. Taken all in all, it was the grandest 
outpouring of people and the heartiest welcome ever accorded a 
public man in this section of Indiana, by far eclipsing the 
grand ovation given Senator Roscoe Conkling at the battle- 
ground four years before. The Republicans were wild with 
delight at the enthusiasm everywhere manifested over their 
candidate for the Presidency. 


October 24th Mr. Blaine left Lafayette for Springfield ; 
ihe only stop made in Indiana was at Attica. Here were 5,000 
people, who were very demonstrative and profuse in their 
promises of what they would do the 4th of November. The 
first stop in Illinois was at Danville. This is not a large 
town, but there were fully 20,000 people about the station. 
They were very enthusiastic. It was a noisy welcome to 
what is now classed as a thoroughly Republican State. When 
Mr. Blaine appeared he said: 

After addressing audiences in what are called doubtful States, it is 
both a relief and a pleasure to stand before this vast muJ.titude of Eepub- 
licans in a State that is not doubtful. [ Great cheering.] It was under the 
lead of an Illinois man, now enshrined in history, that the Eepublican 
party won its first great victory. [Tremendous cheering.] And from that 
day to this Illinois has never failed the RepubHcan party. [Renewed 
cheering, and cries of " It never will !"] I assume with entire confidence 
that it "will not this year, and therefore I say nothing to you about the 
National contest. Where you need to exert yourselves is in your Con- 
rgressional districts. The place where the people speak most directly, and 
where they most directly influence the pohcy of the National Govern- 
ment, is through their representatives in Congress. [Cheers.] Old Col. 
Benton used to say, when he came very close to the oonclusion of an 
argument, that he had his "knife on the nerve." So the people of this 
country touch the nerve of popular power in the election of their Repre- 
sentatives in Congress, and if you want to help a Republican Administra- 
tion of the American Government, the way to do it is to send a Repub- 
lican representation to Congress. I did not come here to electioneer for 
myself. I make this stop in Danville to say a cordial and an earnest word 
in behalf of my old friend Joseph G. Cannon. [Cheers.] Elect him, and 
I will take my chances in Illinois. [Great cheering.] I have been used 
in Ohio to speak to an acre or two of persons at a time, but when it 
comes to filling a ten-acre lot I confess my inability to reach you all; so 
I bid you good-by. [Laughter and tremendous cheering.] 

At Tolono Mr. Blaine left the car for the first time since 
lie started from Lafayette, and, flanked by several of his 



train escort, worked his way through a crowd of 3,000 people 
to a stand erected just north of the track and prettily rigged 
out with flags and flowers. Detaching one of the bouquets 
he bore it away at the conclusion of his speech as a pleasant 
memento of the occasion. This section of the State is largely 
an agricultural one, and Mr. Blaine's remarks were prin- 
cipally addressed to the farmers, whose prosperity, as he 
showed them, was as fully dependent upon the wise and benefi- 
cent tariff policy of the Bepublican party as was that of the 
manufacturers. The popular applause which greeted his> 
remarks on the tariff was only outdone by his allusion to the 
fact that Illinois had furnished the first and best Republican 
President of the Nation, and his confident statement that he 
did not believe the State of Lincoln would go back on the 
party now. Wedging his way back through the crowd he 
returned to his car, and the train moved off amid the hearty^ 
cheers of the multitude. 

The next stop was made at Bement, where Mr. Blaine 
briefly addressed a crowd of 2,000, and was received with all 
the heartiness which had characterized the greetings accorded 
him at other points. A ringing cheer went up when he said 
he was always glad to meet Illinois Republicans, who had 
one noticeable peculiarity — that they never needed any spur- 
ring up. As the train pulled out amidst cheers for the next 
President, he turned to Dave Littler, and, with a pleasant- 
smile, said: " Some people have been saying I am sick; well, 
I'm not, as anybody can see, but the Democrats would give 
$10,000 a minute to have me sick from now till the day of 
election." As he said this it was apparent to all who heard 
it and know him that he never looked or felt better in his lif e^ 
despite the wear and tear of the last few weeks. 

Ten thousand people were packed in solidly around the 
depot and the crossing at Decatur. While the crowd did not 
quite size up in point of numbers with that at Danville, the 
arrangements were far superior to any yet provided in Illi- 
nois. The train backed down on a side-track opposite the 
large, roomy, and well-built stand, and a guard formed of 
plug-hatted and white-coated members of the Decatur Blaine 


and Logan Club prepared a passageway through, which Mr. 
Blaine proceeded to the stand. He was greeted by the crowd 
after the most enthusiastic fashion, and his speech, which 
was almost entirely on the tariff question, and the longest so 
far of the day, was interrupted by frequent bursts of the 
heartiest applause. The Decatur reception to Mr. Blaine 
was evidently an unusually satisfactory one, and as he stood 
on the platform until the train passed through the outskirts 
of the city waving his handkerchief at the knots of people 
gathered at the crossings, he so expressed himself in a way 
that did good to the hearts of the Decatur Kepublicans who 
joined the party there and went with it to Springfield. Shortly 
after leaving Decatur Mr. Blaine went through the train to 
greet his Illinois escort, for each and all of whom he had a 
pleasant smile and a bow, the hand-shaking business, accord- 
ing to promise, having been very properly dispensed with. 

The reception at Springfield, so far as Mr. Blaine was 
concerned, was a comparatively brief one. The people 
had planned for a long afternoon, with a visit to Lincoln's 
grave and a grand banquet at the Governor's house. All this 
had to be cut. Mr. Blaine was driven from the station to the 
square in front of the Executive Mansion. There he spoke 
in the presence of 20,000 people. There were as many more 
upon the streets. The grand stand was of great size and 
packed to suffocation. Mr. Blaine escaped as soon as he 
could and was driven back to his car. He left soon after 6. 

A rapid run was made to Chicago, which was reached 
soon after midnight. He was driven from the depot to the 
residence of Mr. Joseph Medill, where he rested a few hours. 



Saturday morning, October 26th, Mr. Blaine left Chicago 
for Milwaukee, an immense crowd having gathered at the 
Northwestern depot to see him off. In the party that accom- 
panied him were ex-Gov. Fairchild of Wisconsin, Gen. J. B. 
Hawley, H. A. Taylor, C. C. Wheeler, and President Keep 
of the Northwestern Railroad, Joseph Medill, Burton C. 
Cook, the Hon. John F. Finerty, the Hon. E. B. Washbourne, 
Gov. Bevridge, Congressman McKinley of Ohio, and many 
others. The enthusiasm on the line of travel was unbounded. 

The Blaine train stopped a few minutes at Deering, a 
Chicago suburb, where the factory operatives and others, 
making an enthusiastic crowd of thousands cheered Mr. 
Blaine when he appeared on the platform and bowed his 
acknowledgments. The surrounding buildings were deco- 
rated with banners, and salutes were fired. 

As early as 9 o'clock crowds of people began to gather 
at the station of the Chicago & Northwestern Railroad, at 
Evanston, to welcome Mr. Blaine, who it was known, would 
pass through en route to Milwaukee. A large number of 
the students of the Northwestern University, carrying a 
banner with an appropriate motto, another with the inscrip- 
tion, " Five Hundred Majority for Blaine," were held aloft to 
the gaze of the crowd, which was composed of merchants. 
Board of Trade, and professional men and theii wives and 
daughters, all anxious to give the traveler a grand welcome. 
The train bearing the Presidential party pulled into the sta- 
tion at 10:15 o'clock. By this time the platforms were filled 
with the most enthusiastic crowd ever seen in the village, 
while carriages and other vehicles lined all approaches to the 
depot. When the train stopped a great rush was made to 



get nearer tlie travelers. Upon the rear platform of the 
train stood Mr. Blaine, B. C. Cook, General Solicitor of the 
Chicago & Northwestern Railroad, and Emmons Blaine. 
Mr. Cook introduced Mr. Blaine to the great crowd, which 
became silent by a wave of his left hand. He said it was a 
pleasure to be transferred from a hard-fought field to a place 
where he could look into so many friendly faces, the inhabi- 
tants of so beautiful a village. He thanked the people for 
this evidence of their sympathy. 

Amid the thunder of cannon and the cheers of thousands 
of Eepublicans, the Blaine party was received at Waukegan. 
A platform had been erected and covered with flags. Mr. 
IBlaine said : 

It is very pleasant to be transferred from contested States and doubt- 
ful localities to a State that is full of enthusiasm and certainty. The 
vote of Illinois is one of the great reserves of the great Eepubhcan 
party. It gave to the party its first President, and has never since failed 
to maintain the lead of the great Northwest. I therefore speak to you this 
morning as belonging to a State that can never be classed as doubtful, 
and I stop only for a moment to thank you for your kindly greetings 
and congratulate you on the approaching victory. As to the larger vic- 
tory of which the Chairman of your central Committee speaks so confi- 
dently, I hope his prediction may be verified. We shall know better the 
evening of the 4:th of November. Good-by. 

The welcome tendered Mr. Blaine at Kenosha was 
well arranged and passed off pleasantly. Long before the 
train was due the sidewalks were lined with people eager to 
get a glimpse of the distinguished statesman. The Plumed 
Knights to the number of about 250 met at their head- 
quarters in the Bain Wagon Company's new building and 
formed a procession, headed by the National Band, and 
inarched to the Northwestern depot where an immense 
throng of people had preceded them. A Keception Com- 
mittee, consisting of the Hon. J. H. Howe, the Hon. O. S. 
Newell, Dr. Farr, Judge Martin, and Josiah Bond, met 
the special train at Waukegan and returned with the Blaine 
party. As the train approached the city three salutes were 
fired from the battery, and the "Plumed Knight" was 


welcomed with cheers from the multitude and music by the 
band. Mr. Blaine was escorted to the speaker's stand by 
the Reception Committee, and introduced to the audience 
by the Hon. O. S. Newell, President of the Blaine and 
Logan club of the city. The speaker was received with an 
uproar of applause. 

There were from 3,000 to 4,000 people present, all of 
the standing-room within hearing distance being occupied, 
and many were unable to get near enough to hear what was 
said or even to get a satisfactory view of the great 

At Bacine the special train having Mr. Blaine and 
party made a brief stop. Over 1,500 were there to greet 
him, with the cavalry seventy-five strong, and a large num^ 
ber of citizens in carriages. Mr. Blaine left the special, 
and, entering a hack, was driven through the city to the 
square, while the train pulled down to the depot. 

J. V. Quarles introduced Mr. Blaine. The candidate,, 
from the platform of the car, made a brief address, confin- 
ing his remarks entirely to the tariff question, stating 
that the prosperity which the city of Racine enjoyed was 
due to protection, and that the party which he represented 
was pledged to protect, and that it remained with the 
voters to say whether the prosperity of the past should be 
continued in the future. His speech was enthusiastically 

In front of the gayly decorated office of the North Chi- 
cago Rolling Mills, at Bay View, an arch was built under 
which the platform, of a unique design, was erected. The 
bottom of it consisted of pig iron, upon which there were 
piled up closely together steel rails that made an excellent 
flooring. Upon these stood nail-kegs that contained the 
famous Blaine and Logan nails. 

The cheering crowd numbered about 3,000. Mr. Blaine 
was conducted through the crowd to the platform, and there 
spoke for but a few moments. He said: 


At this age there is noching as important as the tariff. In 1870' 
Congress increased the duties upon steel rails to $28 per ton. 
Free-traders at that time began to clamor loudly and complain that that 
measure meant death to all the railroads. The farmers also complained 
after they had been made believe that this law virtually made an end to 
all railroaas. And now let me tell you that the Canadian Pacific Rail- 
road last year ordered 10,000 tons of steel rails in the Uniterl States for 
which they paid $1.50 less than anywhere else. Usually it is understood 
that the amount of duty is added to the price of the material, and here 
you have a case where we are able to sell these goods so much cheaper 
than others. The prosperity of our country during the last twenty-three 
years is proof that the tariff system is a blessing to the country. You 
hear people talk about dull times, but let me assure you, gentlemen, 
that the same conditions would be considered very good ones in other 
countries. Ten years ago, when the Democrats came into power, they 
tried their best to upset the tariff system, and their plans were plainly 
visible in the Morrison bill. To-day we suffer from the consequences 
that were then caused through the uncertainty in our duty system. 
Uncertainty means death to commerce and industries. What we want is 
stability. We have to defend our tariff system, and that you can only 
effectually do by upholding and supporting the great principles of the 
undying Republican party. Gentlemen, I feel not the very best, hence 
let me thank you for your kindness. 


At Milwaukee the visiting party was received by a 
cavalry escort, the Local Eeception Committee, and other 
citizens in carriages, and an enormous assemblage of peo^ 
pie. From 40,000 to 50,000 people were • waiting inside and 
outside the Exposition Building, where the formal reception 
took place. 

The reception of Mr. Blaine in the Cream City, as a whole, 
and in every detail, was one of the most successful and most 
brilliant public demonstrations ever witnessed there. He 
and his party were received at the Northwestern depot by a 
cavalry escort, the Local Reception Committee and other 
citizens in carriages, and an enormous crowd of citizens. 
The line of march was taken up immediately, the booming of 
cannon, the ringing of bells, the music of bands, and the 
shouts of the people making a chorus of welcome that awoke 
the echoes for miles around. The formal reception took 
place at the Exposition Building. Seats had been provided 
for 5,000 people, but fully 15,000 crowded into the building. 


MR. BLAINE's speech. 

After Mr. Blaine was introduced a scene of enthusiasm 
never before witnessed in the city took place. The immense 
crowd in the building rose, and cheered and cheered till it 
seemed the cheering would never cease. For seven minutes 
Mr, Blaine stood bowing and waving his hand for silence. 
When the crowd had cheered itself hoarse and tired, and 
something like silence followed, Mr. Blaine said: 

The Republican party had its birth in the Northwest, and there it 
has always found steady support. [Cheers.] The five great Common- 
wealths that were formed from the old Northwest Territory represent 
to-day a great empire — an empire founded in 1787, but an empire which 
has had its greatest growth since 1861. The growth of that imperial sec- 
tion of the Union has been most rapid under Republican administration 
of the National Government and imder the continuous influence of a pro- 
tective tariff. ["Good!" "Good!" and cheers.] In the last twenty- 
three years its wealth has trebled. In the next twenty-three years, with a 
protective tariff in operation, its wealth will increase in even greater 
ratio. I do not come here at this late day in the National campaign to 
argue any question. I come merely to recite historic facts and let you 
draw the inferences. [Cheers.] The protective tariff has found its steady 
friend in the Republican party. [Cheers.] It has found its steady foe in 
the Democratic party. ["That's so!" cheers.] Under the protective 
system agriculture, manufacturers, and commerce have flourished in 
equal degree, and the question now before the voters of Wisconsin, the 
question before the voters of the Nation, is whether that system shall be 
abandoned or whether it shall be continued. The sixteen States of the 
South wiU in all probability vote against it. It remains to be seen 
whether a sufficient reinforcement can be obtained from the North to 
hand over the Government to the domination of the free-trade South. 
{"Never!" "Never!"] 

And as the RepubHcan party had its birth in the Northwest, we come 
to you now for a rebaptism in the original faith and for added strength 
to the prestige of the party. [" We'll give it ! " " Three cheers for Blaine 
and Logan and protection! "] I do not beiieve that Wisconsin, I do not 
believe Illinois, I do not beheve that Michigan, I am sure that Ohio 
[cheers], those great component members of the old Northwest Territory — 
I do not believe that any of them can ever be induced to undo the work 
which they began in 1854. [" Never ! " " Never ! " and loud cheering.] I do 
not believe that the free arms and the free hearts of the great free North- 
west can ever be used to turn the Government of this Nation over to the 
men who sought its destruction. ["Never!" "Never!"] In that faith I 
greet you. In that faith I leave you. In that faith I thank you pro- 
foundly for a reception which is proportioned to the grandeur of your 
.empire and the warmth of your hearts. [Prolonged cheering.] 


He was followed by the Hon. John F. Finerty, who spoke 
for an hour, and by the Hon. John B. Hawley, who also made 
an eloquent address. At the Plankinton House Mr. Blaine 
was called upon by a committee of representative Irish- Ameri- 
cans, and presented with an address. 


Mr. Blaine was driven from the Exposition Building to 
the Plankinton House, where he was called upon by a num- 
ber of political organizations. A committee from the Irish- 
American Blaine and Logan Club called upon him and pre- 
sented him with the following address: 

Honorable Sir : Though we address you as members of the Milwaukee 
Irish- Am.erican Blaine and Logan Club, it is as American citizens purely 
we feel the highest honor in extending to you our hearty welcome to Mil- 
waukee. Having no interests apart from all our fellow-citizens, and 
knowing no poHtical pohcy not leading to American prosperity or gov- 
erned by American traditions, we feel a special pride in greeting you who 
stand to-day the most prominent representative figure of American 
statesmanship as well as the most uncompromising exponent of American 
principles. We greet you, sir, as a statesman whose whole pubUc Hf e has 
been devoted to the development of American resources and the protect- 
ion of American industries. We greet you also as the champion of human 
rights, and the unflinching defender of a free ballot in every State from 
the St. Lawrence to the Gulf. With strong faith in the wisdom of pro- 
tection to American industries, which alone can dignify American labor, 
with strong faith in the supremacy of free franchise over menace and 
brute force, we are proud to greet you, the unflinching champion of both, 
and to pledge to yourself and colleague our most vigorous support in this 
campaign, trusting that American principles and American traditions 
will be vindicated in our triumphant election. 

M. J. Higgins, J. Hannan, 

M. Carpenter, J. L. Flynn, M. D., 

D. E. Murphy, Jeremiah Quin, 


After the speeches and and other formal ceremonies, an 
informal reception took place, followed by a short ride about 
the city and the return of the visiting party to take the return 
train for Chicago. 

The Wisconsin Eeception Committee, consisting of United 
States Senator Sawyer, Gov. Eusk, Mayor Wallber, Chair- 
man Taylor of the State Central Committee, Secretary Payne; 


Gen. Lucius Fairchild, the Hon. Horace Eublee, Col. J. C. 
Spooner, A. J. Aikens, Edward Sanderson, President Baum- 
gartner of the Board of Aldermen, and President Bechtner 
of the Board of School Commissioners, went down the road 
to meet Mr. Blaine and his party and return with them. 


Mr. Blaine and his party returned to Chicago about 5 :30. 
They were enthusiastically received at the Northwestern 
depot, and were escorted by the Young Eepublican Club, 
3,000 strong, to the residence of Mr. Medill, where Mr. 
Blaine dined, and rested for a few hours. 

The carriage bearing the Blaine party from Mr. MedilPs 
residence reached the Pacific about 8:30. It stopped at the 
La Salle street entrance in order to avoid the jam. The 
foremost men acting as Mr. Blaine's escort were Gov. Ham- 
ilton, Messrs. Charles B. Farwell, Joseph Medill, John M. 
Smyth, Arthur Dixon and James P. Root. The party quietly 
ascended the back stairs, but not before some one had recog- 
nized Mr. Blaine and started a cheer that brought a rush to 
the stairway and gave notice of the arrival to those above. 
The German committee, intrusted with a formal address, 
pressed close behind, and behind them came the German 
Glee Club and a host of newspaper men. 

A little after 9 o'clock the committee, headed by Messrs. 
Earwell, Abner Taylor, John M. Smyth, and E. R. Bliss 
escorted him through the long corridor, which was lined with 
people, who cheered him as he passed along to a room on the 
Clark street front, the windows of which open on the balcony. 
Gen. Logan had preceded him. As soon as the crowd on the 
street saw him they sent up cheer after cheer, waved their 
hats and handkerchiefs, and kept up their shouting for 
several minutes. 

When comparative quiet had been restored Gen. Logan 

Citizens of Chicago : AUow me to introduce to you a man who is 
known wherever civiHzatiou is found — the Republican candidate for 
President of the United States, James G. Blaine. 

Cheer after cheer was given, and it was fully five min- 


ates before the mass of Immanity could be quieted by the 
waving of Gen. Logan's hand. 

Mr. Blaine said: 

Chicago is great in all things. [Cheers.] She is especially great in 
lier hospitahties and in her welcome. [Cheers.] I thank you from the 
bottom of my heart [cheers] for your cordial greeting, for your warm 
encouragement, for all that you have tendered me during my brief stay in 
your city, and for giving me such a welcome as will endure while memory 
lasts. [Cheers.] You offer only one embarrassment, and that is that 
the magnificence and magnitude of your numbers outreach the scope of 
the human voice [cheers], and I shall not attempt any further address 
[cries of " Go on," and cheers] but to repeat [" Go on "] my thanks and 
my gratitude, and to point you to that great contest of November 4th 
in which the State of Illinois [a voice: "We will roll up a majority for 
you," and cheers] is confidently looked to to take the same leading part she 
has always taken in contests where the fate of the Republican party is 
involved. [Great cheering.] Repubhcan principles and Eepubhcan 
candidates are safe in your hands [cheers], and I feel that your enthusi- 
asm and your earnestness will communicate itself to other States ["Hear, 
hear ! "] which will follow in the grand way in which you lead. [Cheers.] 
It is too late for argument. The hour has arrived for action [a voice: 
" You are the man," and cheers], and I am sure that your action will be 
■fiuch as will encourage your Republican brethren throughout the length 
and breadth of the Union. [Cheers.] Gentlemen, I thank you; good- 
night. [Great cheering, and waving of handkerchiefs and hats.] 


There were calls for Gen. Logan, and he came forward 
and took off his hat. The crowd yelled again. He said : 

Gentlemen: There is not time for speaking here to-night. My 
friends, you see the procession [the line could be seen moving across 
Clark street, a quarter of a mile off] is now moving, and there will be no 
opportunity for speaking to this vast audience. It will be here in a few 
moments. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Blaine then went from the south to the north end 
of the balcony, where more people got a view of him, and 
the cheering was renewed. 

Gen. Logan was called for again, and he said: 

It is impossible to address this vast audience. I would be glad to 
gratify you if it were possible for any voice to be heard. So you will 
have to take the will for the deed. I am gratified to see so many of you 
here to-night. [Cheers.] 


There was such a dense mass of humanity in the streets. 
that it was feared the procession could never get through it, 
and in order, if possible, to induce the people to scatter, every- 
body left the balcony. This, however, did not produce the 
desired effect, the crowd remaining in the street and shout- 
ing "Blaine," "Logan," and "Speech." After waiting half 
an hour Gov. Hamilton went out and said: 

Gentlemen . Be quiet for a moment. There is a vast assemblage 
present here. You have seen ah that can be seen of our distinguished 
Repubhcan leaders — Blaine and Logan. [Cheers.] They are perfectly 
satisfied with your presence. Now you perhaps recognize who I am. 
[A voice: "Who are you?"] You are the people of the Commonwealth 
over which I have the honor to preside. I am Commander-in-Chief not 
only of this State but of the City of Chicago. Now, Repubhcans, I ask 
you in the interest of good order, of good citizenship, of quiet demeanor, 
to go away now and disperse, so that we may maintain the credit of the 
Repubhcan party for entire good order in the City of Chicago. [Cheers.] 
I don't assume to have control over you, but I ask you in the name of 
the good order of the State and of the Repubhcan party to go away and 
disperse, because it is impossible for people to move from this hoteL 

Senator Logan arrived about 7:30, escorted by a large 
body of the Young Republican Club. He was accompanied 
by Mrs. Logan and Mrs. John M. Hamilton, and immediately 
retired to a private parlor. Austin's First Eegiment Band 
of thirty pieces, which had arrived with the Young Repub- 
lican Club, formed in the center of the rotunda about 8 o'clock 
and played several stirring marches and popular airs. The 
German Glee Club also contributed to the entertainment of 
the crowd with several well-rendered songs, which drew 
forth vociferous plaudits. 


As soon as Mr. Blaine reached the Grand Pacific even- 
ing, he was taken by the committee to a parlor where 
were assembled a committee of 100 German Republicans. 
He was introduced to them by the Hon. C. B. Farwell. 
Prof. Kistler, on behalf of the committee, said: 
Mr. Blaine : We are pleased to meet you. As men coming from the 
various walks of life and representing the German- American Repub- 


3icans of Chicago, the metropolis of the Northwest, we extend to you a 
most cordial greeting. We are acquainted with your long and varied 
career as a pubhc servant. Your course as a member and Speaker of the 
House of Representatives, Senator, and member of the great and lamented 
Garfield's cabinet, and as the historian of those great National events 
that have rendered the name and fame of our country a household word 
among the great nations of the civilized world, commands most truly our 
utmost confidence and respect. During your long and honorable public 
service given to the country of our choice and adoption, you have been 
distinguished from all other men in public life as the typical American 
statesman — broad and liberal in your own views, seeking your country's 
highest and best interests, and never losing sight of those fundamental 
principles of the American Constitution which stand forth so prominently 
as the great bulwark of protection to every American citizen in his per- 
sonal rights and his personal liberty. Being zealous of our own personal 
liberty in the country of our choice and adoption, and being fully identi- 
fied with its great and varied interests — we hail you as the great leader 
and champion of our aspirations. [Applause.] Your earnest and persistent 
advocacy of protection to the great industries of our own loved land, now 
far dearer to us than the land of our fathers ; your broad statesmanship ; 
your love of personal liberty — all these inspire in us the belief that your 
administration of the National Government will be the beginning of a 
new era in our National growth and prosperity. [Applause.] You, sir, 
and our gallant Gen. John A. Logan, are the chosen leaders in this grand 
march of our National prosperity. You have our heartiest support. 
[Applause.] Please accept this our presence as an indorsement of your 
life, character and pubhc services. [Applause.] In the name of the 
German-American Republicans of Chicago [applause] we bid you a most 
hearty welcome to the queen among the cities of the lakes. [Applause.] 


Mr. Blaine responded as follows : 

Professor and German-American Citizens of Chicago : Any tender 
of your friendship and confidence would have been welcome and grateful 
to my feelings. What must I then say of one that is at once so eloquent, 
so cordial, so entirely acceptable? What must I say of the — I might 
almost say — overdrawn picture of my own career in which you have been 
pleased to point to what I have faintly done in pubhc hfe ? I am not 
unaware in meeting you that there has been an effort made to prejudice 
me in the minds of the German-American citizens, but I never feared 
that it would prevail, because the one great distinction of the German 
blood is slowness in coming to a conclusion, thoroughness of investiga- 
tion, perfect and entire justice of final judgment. [Applause.] I 
recognize the entire truthfulness of what you say of the devotion of 
German- Americans to the flag of the country and the nationahty they 



have assumed. I am not miacquainted with the German character. The 
State of which I am a native was in large part settled by Germans, and it 
has gained no small share of its vigor, of its sobriety, of its woi-th, of its great 
progress, of its high character from those and their descendants who 
came from the Fatherland in the earher colonial days. Speaking, there- 
fore, not merely from what you feay to me, grateful as that is, but speaking 
from a knowledge long anterior to the Presidential campaign in which I 
am now a candidate, I can say of the Germans past and of the Germans 
present that between them and me, from boyhood to this hour, there has 
never existed anything but the most cordial relations, there never has 
existed anything but entire mutual confidence. [Applause.] In this 
great city, recognizing the vast influence you exert, and, radiating from 
this city, the influence you exert through the Union, I appreciate at its 
full measure — and its full measure is very great — the assurance which 
you have so eloquently given me this evening. [Applause.] I thank you 
for it with all my heart. [Applause.] 

The committee tlieii retired, and IMr. Blaine went to a 
parlor where there was a telegraph instrument, and spent 
about half an hour talking to his wife in Augusta, receiving 
telegrams, and in getting ready to view the procession. 

The corridors became filled with a buzzing crowd, who 
waited for Mr. Blaine's passage to the Clark street balcony, 
from which he was to review the procession. Prof. Swing, the 
E-ev. Dr. Barrows, the Rev. Frank Bristol, and several other 
ministers were prominent in the assemblage, which comprised 
many leading citizens and prominent local Republican poli- 
ticians. The main parlors were filled with hotel guests, mostly 
women, and a large number of women were among those who 
filled the corridors. Two magnificent life-size oil portraits 
of Blaine and Logan were suspended at the south end of the 
main corridor on the parlor floor, to the right and left of 
the central entrance to the main parlors. While waiting for 
Mr. Blaine's reappearance, Fred Austin was hoisted out on 
the balcony, and played several popular airs on his cornet. 
The first solo was " IMarching Thro' Georgia," and as the 
strains were caught by the enormous crowd below, those 
above had the pleasure of hearing the ever-popular song 
rendered by a chorus infinitely greater than Thomas ever 
dreamed of. Gazing over the balcony one could only see 


a vast ocean of faces and hats extending right and left as 
far as the eye could reach, and when a cheer arose it seemed 
as though the earth quivered with the sound. 

Mr. Blaine remained in his private room about twenty- 
minutes, and was joined there by Gen. Logan and one or 
two others who had not been present on his arrival. About 
9.15 the crowds on the parlor floors were at last rewarded 
with a sight of Mr. Blaine. First came Mr. Drake and 
several Deputy Sheriffs clearing a passage, then came Blaine 
and Logan side by side, followed by the personal friends of 
both and a hustling crowd of enthusiastic admirers. The 
party entered Parlor 45, from the balcony of which Mr. 
Blaine viewed the procession. 


The Grand Pacific proved to have been well chosen for 
the purposes of review, inasmuch as such excellent opportu- 
nities were afforded for the accommodation of the extraordi- 
nary assemblage of persons not connected with the 
procession. It was generally understood that Mr. Blaine 
would speak, and this seemed to be the incentive which 
prompted one of the greatest jams, if not the greatest, ever 
seen in any American city. It was " a man to every square 
foot," as a bystander on one of the balconies expressed it, 
as he looked down upon what seemed to be a vast system of 
streets solidly paved with human heads. With every little 
movement on the balcony above the Clark street entrance 
to the Grand Pacific, where Mr. Blaine would appear, the 
aspect changed and it became a pavement of faces. The 
effect under the glaring rays of the brilliant electric lights 
modified by Greek fires, sky rockets and Roman candles, can 
scarcely be imagined. In such a light even the expressions 
of the faces were visible at a distance, and it was like looking 
at an immense piece of canvas on which the greatest work 
of the greatest of all artists had been exhausted in the one 


effort to depict such emotions as hope, courage, enthusiasm,, 
joy, admiration, fidelity and resolution. The number of 
these faces stretching far beyond the range of vision on 
either hand, when viewed either from the west balcony of 
the Government Building, or the east balcony of the hotel, 
may be fairly estimated at 50,000. Clark street, from Mad- 
ison to Van Buren, the distance of four blocks, was almost 
solidly packed from wall to wall. Adams and Jackson streets 
were in a similar condition for nearly a block either way at 
the intersections of Clark street, from both of which places 
a view of the hotel balcony could be obtained. A jam so 
suffocating and painful as to cause frequent outcry, extended 
from the north side of Adams street along Clark to the- 
south side of Jackson. On Clark street, opposite the Grand 
Pacific, the crowd not only filled the street, but blockaded 
the yards and terraces of the Government Building. All 
vhe windows and balconies in the upper stories of the same 
building were filled, and so were those in the Grand Pacific 
Hotel and adjoining buildings. It was a good-humored and 
well-behaved crowd. Otherwise, as the masses swayed back 
and forth, many would have been crushed. Such movements 
were invariably followed by numerous cries of pain freely 
intermingled with clear, shrill screams of women, a reaction 
of the mass, and the escape of the injured. 

The city went wild with enthusiasm and, mingled 
with the martial music of the bands, the night air was 
filled with cheers for Blaine and Logan, in which the 
thousands in line of march and the other thousands along 
the streets joined, with a hearty good will. 

It was a mighty outpouring of the people, a magnificent 
and unequaled demonstration on behalf of the Eepublican 
candidates and Republican principles. At the lowest esti- 
mate, the long column which for two hours pursued its way 
through, contained from 25,000 to 35,000 men. 

Streams of stars, showers of sparks, flutter and flaunting 


of flags, rumble and rattle of drums, shouts and cheers and 
wild exuberant uproar from packed pavements to housetops 
black with people, that was the great Blaine procession of 
Chicago. Fire overhead bursting in rockets and in the 
glory of colored lights; rivers of flame beneath stirred to a 
rythmic motion, and ever rolling on, as if the riches of the 
exhaustless firmament were poured in splendor down the 
broad avenues and brilliant streets of the Imperial City of 
the West. Long lines of lanterns festooned mile after mile 
of architectural beauty; colored bonfires blazed from every 
roof; from tier upon tier of windows, men and women 
leaned forth; while the waving of handkerchiefs kept tune 
to the rise and fall of tumultuous cheers. 

Eome, in her days of golden grandeur, saw no scene like 
the one beheld that night in the new Eome of the New 
World, not when the chariots of her conquering Generals, 
drawn through triumphal arches by the slaves of continents, 
rolled — 

Through the bellowing forum 

And 'round the Sacred Grove 
Up to the everlasting heights 

Of Capitolian Jove ! 

Here were no slaves, but the slave-freers of a nation; 
here was no tribute to tyrants, but the grand expression of a 
mighty people's will; here was no celebration of conquest, 
but a rejoicing in the fruits of universal liberty. Behind 
the magnificence of the demonstration lay years of endeavor 
in the cause of freedom, and the inspiration of the occasion 
was the people's determined will to preserve by ballot the 
rights that were won by battle. 

It was but just that the foremost representative of the 
Eepublican party should receive from the State that fur- 
nished its quota without a draft in the dark days of the 
Nation the most magnificent greeting that men can give to 

The memory of that spectacle will live in Chicago's his- 
tory; its significance will make history for the Eepublic. 


Hour after hour passed, and still the hundreds and thousands 
marched on; still the enthusiasm of vast multitudes surged 
about the moving ranks; still one chorus of rejoicing rose in 
deepening volume through the gloom of night. 

From a high window one might look as far as the eye 
could reach upon uniformed citizens in regiments of peace, 
Numberless bands played National airs, and when the excite- 
ment reached a climax thousands of torches were swung in 
circles of flame until the vision was dazzled by the glittering 
confusion and the ears were stunned by the uproar and the 
din. Some clubs bore red lights; others lanterns of every 
shade, and through the glare shone the favorite colors of the 
costumes — the National "Eed, White and Blue." Every 
place within 300 miles of Chicago seemed to be represented. 
The marchers came as they came in bygone years when duty 
called them — ^from quiet country farms, from the villages 
that dot the prairies, from the city's shops and marts, from 
factories, and offices, and stores — men, not only of American 
birth, but thousands who had sought a refuge from foreign 
tyranny in the only land that lives to-day " without a master 
and without a slave." none would question the loyalty of 
the Germans to the party that they clung to through the 
days of peril. In the same line they bore that party's ban- 
ners with the hosts who left the treason-darkened standard of 
Democracy. There were the supporters of the gallant Con- 
gressman of the Second District (Finerty) taking the place 
that rightfully belongs to the men whose fathers fought for 
the principles of liberty in every country beneath the sun. 
The Irish- Americans were a legion alone. They were greeted 
with the wildest demonstrations, and the name of their leader 
in the present fight was cheered on every street. 

The watchword of the night, the expression of every 
mouth, sung, shouted and yelled, was " James G. Blaine." 
It was cried from window and balcony; it was echoed from 
street to street; it was sung to the music of the drums; it 
rose and fell in one great chorus — " James G. Blaine." 

Among those who made that pageant were men who 
marched with the precision of drilled veterans. Veterans 



indeed they were, for the rhythm of the march they learned 
upon the battlefield. Other bands who stepped briskly and 
joyously forward, but whose ranks were uneven, were the 
young men of the party, its hope and strength now as 
their fathers were a quarter of a century ago. Every edu- 
cational institution seemed to be represented ; the trades and 
the professions marched side by side in unity of purpose 
and in brotherhood of sympathy. To have been a member 
of that procession will be, in after years, a cause of pride to 
every one who will look back over the years of achievement 
inaugurated in Chicago by the nomination of Lincoln, and 
the era of peaceful progress inaugurated in the same great 
city by the nomination of Blaine. 

It was hardly midnight before the parade had passed. 
To look back upon it is to remember a mighty enthusiasm 
expressed with all the symbols of rejoicing, the endless 
ranks, the whirling lights, the bursting of rockets, the 
music, and the cheers. To analyze its motive is to read the 
history of the young Republic. 

The Chicago Reception Committee, most of whose mem- 
bers were on hand, was as follows: 

John M. Smyth, 
E. E. Brainard, 
C. H. Plautz, 
George Schneider, 
Samuel B. Raymond, 
A. G. Burley, 
Alexander White, 
John A. Jameson, 
P. Bird Price, 
H. C. Durand, 
E. E. BHss, 
E. A. Blodgett, 
John Crerar, 
Henry Wilson, 
Galnsha Anderson, 
C. B. Holmes, 
J. K. Dow, 
William Vocke, 

H. Jackson, 
Arthur Dixon, 
E. H. Eevell, 
George H. Harlow, 
Rev. Frank Bristol, 
Charles Catlin, 
John E. Bensley, 
Theodore Schultz, 
George M. Pullman, 
James P. Eoot, 
William Penn Nixon, 
E. G. Keith, 
D. B. Fisk, 
B. McDevitt, 
John Wentworth, 
A. L. Morrison, 
John Hoffman, 
Sidney Smith, 

C. B. Farwell, 
Eev. C. G. TrusdeU, 
Abner Taylor, 
Edson Keith, 
C. F. Lynn, 
W. H. King, 
Miles Kehoe, 
Otto Tallen, 
N. K. Fairbank, 
Louis Hutt, 
J. V. FarweU, 
Monroe Heath, 
J. McGregor Adams 
J. C. Dore, 
Joseph Stockton, 
H. N. Higinbotham 
J. K. Edsall, 
A. F. Stevenson, 



R. W. English, 
Jesse Spalding, 
Kirk Hawes, 
Isaiah Laing, 
J. T. Foster, 
Henry W. Leman, 
Frank Gilbert, 

William E. Mason, 
William N. Campbell, 
F. H. Herring, 
H. H. Thomas, 
W. J. Campbell, 
William Rawleigh, 
A. A. Carpenter, 
Henry J. WilHng, 
L. H. Bisbee, 
Frank Shubert, 
C. R. Corbin, 
Charles H. Crawford, 
Calvin De Wolf, 
Jacob Gross, 
E. M. Teal, 
George W. Felton, 
Burton C. Cook, 
John O'Neil, 
Henry Spears, Jr., 
H. B. Brayton, 
W^illiam H. Harper, 
J. Russell Jones, 
C. W. Woodman, 
W. H. Rand, 
Alex. Tumey, 
S. C. Mixer, 
C. R. Cummings, 
C. M. Henderson, 
I. P. Rivers, 
J. S. Rumsey, 
R. D. Fowler, 
H. B. Hurd, 
N. Wingate, 
Edward D. Coats, 
C. L. Rising, 
Morris Selz, 
Theo. Weiderhold, 
Edward F. Oragin, 

Chris Tegtmeyer, 

John B. Drake, 

J. Young Scammon, 

M. A. Farwell, 

E. A. Sittig, 

S. D. Foss, 

R. W. Dunham, 

Daniel A. Jones, 

C. W. Needham, 

A. H. Stone, 

L. C. CoUins, 

John Hickey, 

A. B. Cook, 

Willard Woodard, 

J. H. Clough, 

Peter ShiUo, 

L. L. Cobum, 

Hempstead Washbume Andrew Shuman 

John T. Chumasero, Henry Best, 

Otto Peltzer, 

R. S. CritcheU, 

Herman Benze, 

Thomas F. Withrow 

Martin Beem, 

C. L. Easton, 
W. W. FarweU, 
J. Irving Pearce, 
C. W. Andrews, Jr., 
Joseph E. Gary, 
George E. Adams. 
Joshua Knicker- 
George R. Davis, 
George Laing, 
Charles Randolph, 
R. L. Underwood, 
Eugene Cary, 
Philhp Maas, 
Dr. P. H. Cronin, 
G. W. Krohl, 
J. S. Curtis, 
John Mcintosh, 

Edward S. Taylor, 
E. B.Baldwin, 
James B. Lenk, 
W. H. Bolton, 
J. H. Gilbert, 
George Sidwell, 
John W. Pope, 
Herman De Vry, 
George M. Bogue, 
C. N. Matteson, 
George W. Smith, 

E. Nelson Blake, 
J. C. Scoville, 

J. J. Knickerbocker. 
C. A. Burkhardt, 
Elliott Anthony, 
George Struckman, 
Irus Coy, 

F. J. Filbert, 
P. McGrath, 
William Baker, 

C. H. Case, 
J. A. Sexton, 
John L. Beveridge, 
E. R. Brainard, 
Louis Kistler, 
WiUiam H. Bradley 
George Bass, 
J. Blackburn Jones 
Philip Knopf, 
John B. Hawley, 
E. J. Whitehead, 
G. W. Crouch, 
Norman WilHams, 
W. K. Sullivan, 
Henry Baker, 
Robert T. SiU, 
P. D. Armour, 
Julius White, 
John Beilfeldt, 
J. W. E. Thomas, 
R. S. Williamson, 
Wm. S. Grimes, Sr., 
R. M. Hatfield, 
George Spencer, 
Henry L. Hertz, 
J. R. Laing, 



Samuel Wright, 
George L. Ford, 
J. L. High, 
F. A. Herring, 
L. W. Perce, 
J. K. Botsford, 
Ed. F. Lalk, 
John H. Clough, 
Henry W. King, 
J. R. Carlus, 
John Farren, 
J. J. McGrath, 
George Driggs, 
Charles E. Moore, 
,S. W. Adams, 
E. P. Morris, 
H. G. GiU, 
Luke Hitchcock, 
James Walker, 
John McClain, 
J. D. Harvey, 
H. Shannon. 
W. A. Jenkins, 
Jlenry Biedler, 
W. H. Gleason, 
Thomas E. HiU, 
E. W. Henricks, 
Frank Squires, 

A. W. Allyn, 
Geo. S. Cook, 
James Soper, 
T. B. Boyd, 
Walter M. Powell, 
Homer Thomas, 
Thomas Chalmers, 
X)r. Baxter, 

.A. J. Snell, 
L. L. Bond, 
J. H. Pearson, 
Frank Sinclair, 

B. M. Moore, 
A. J. Sprague, 
E. G. Clark, 
J. L. Brennan, 
William S. Frost, 
3ishop S. Fallows, 

John L. Thompson, 
Marvin Hughittj 
John S. Mullen, 

A. M.^ Pence, 
Alex. H. ReveU, 
John N. Jewett, 
Grant Goodrich, 
C. C. Kohlsaat, 
J. E. Lewis, 
Louis Keefer, 

J. P. Robb, 
H. H. Parker, 
Justus Weber, 
R. T. Crane, 
J. R. Mann, 
George B. Swift, 
John B. Sherman, 
G. W. Stanford, 
George K. Edwards, 
L. M. Smith, 
J. F. Smith, 
E. B. Washburne, 
R. D. Laing, 
Canute Matson, 
Dr. Holmes, 
William J. Campbell, 
George Benz, 
George C. Klehm, 
Henry Mitchell, 
R. W. Mackey, 
W. A. Fuller, 
Francis Beidler, 
Rev. Dr. Thomas, 
Rev. Dr. Goodwin, 
J. P. Floyd, 
Chas. J. Stromberg, 
J. K. Harmon, 
John H. Bradshaw, 
Wm. H. Curd, 
J. R. Wheeler, 
Dr. R. B. Treat, 
R. E. Jenkins, 
Franz Amberg, 
William C. PhiUips, 

B. A. Eckhardt, 
W. C. Kinney, 

O. H. Harhn, 

D. S. Nickerson, 
J. B. Jeffery, 
John Stewart, 
Frank B. Knight, 
Josiah Little, 

E. F. C. Klokke, 
James Dixon, 

J. E. White, 
Myer Bloom, 
James Quirk, 
H. y. Freeman, 
John Carlisle, 
George T. Wilhams 
H. L. Thompson, 
H. C. Robinson, 
John Hitt, 
H. J. Thompson, 
Gen. Stobbs, 
George W. Linn, 
Seth F. Hanchett, 
E. Ingalls, 
Charles H. Dalton^ 
A. J. Stone, 
Samuel Faidkner, 
G. Stewart, 
Thomas Eckhardt, 
David Kelly, 
J. W. Garrett, 
G. F. Morgan, 
Robt. B. Kennedy, 
Wm. Chalmers, 
Dr. Freeman, 
T. W. French, 
J. M. W. Jones, 
J. D. McClean, 
E. S.Bond, • 
David McGowan. 
L. C. Kinston, 
Philip Wadsworth, 
George E. White, 
O. S. A. Sprague, 
George C. Walker, 
William Dickenson 
C. J. Singer, 



W. E. SfcroDf?, 

Sidney Kent, 

G. F. Swift, 

Henry Smith, 

W. C. Eames, 

John A. Tyrrell, 

E. C. Delano, 

George T. Burroughs, 

C. B. Carter, 

M. E. Cole, 

H. L. Thompson, 

A. N. Waterman, 

George Kalph, 

Ira Tomblin, 

Henry Decker, 

Joseph Kopp, 

J. T. Eawleigh, 

J. K. Lake, 

H. C. Senne, 

E. M. Minegan, 

Leonard Swett, 

E. Olson, 

Thomas Lynch, 

C. D. Peacock, 

George W. Sheldon, 

WiUiam P. Hend, 

Jacob Butler, 

David Bradley, 

Walter Shoemaker, 

E. H. Gammon, 

S. D. Kimbark, 

A. P. Johnson, 

E. P. Broughton, 

H. S. Burkhardt, 

Charles Tobey, 

C. C. Thompson, 

Joseph Everett, 

Rev. Thomas P. Hodnett, 

Joseph Kohn, 

W. E. Strong, 

Max Weineman, 

Richard Powers, 

Morris Rosenbaum, 

P. T. Barry, 

George Scott, 

Ira W. Buel, 

James Barrell, 
Judge Gardner, 
P. A. Hull, 
John F. NeweU, 

D. L. Shorey, 

E. D. Swain, 
A. HiUiard, 
Wesley Dempster, 
J. Frank Lawrence, 
D. B. Gardner, 

C. H. Case, 
James Frape, 
W. J. Pope, 
James A. Hair, 
J. S. Hawley, 

F. A. Riddle, 
A. G. Lane, 
J. P. Rumsey, 
O. L. Mann, 
George Sherwood, 

C. W. Neeham, 
J. F. Scanlan, 

W. W. Boyington, 

D. B. Scully, 
M. C. Quinn, 
W. B. Hall, 

J. Harley Bradley, 
John Spry, 
William Deering, 

E. W. Blatchford, 
D. V. Purington, 
John L. Campbell, 
J. I. Case, 
Robert Forsyth, 
J. H. Coyne, 

C. L. WeUington, 
Albert Ailing, 
Martin Barber, 
J. M. Singer, 
Jacob Rosenberg, 
David Swing, 
Morris Einstein, 

F. F. Spencer, 
W. Kaufmann, 
William Hally, 
P. D. Armour, 

Charles A. North,, 
J. L. Woodwardy 
O. E. Eames, 
B. Van Buren, 

E. D. Morse, 
J. D. Fulton, 
H. H. Rice, 

S. M. Randolph,. 
Marshall Carter, 
D. C. Brady, 
M. M. Gemhardt,, 
M. C. Dean, 
J. Russell Jones, 
Mason B. Loomis* 
John Roher, 
Chris Mamer, 
W. S. Scribner, 
W. R. Manierre, 
Theo. Stimming, 

F. W. Pahner, 
Nicholas Murphy,, 
B. Quirk, 

Peter Schuttler, 
Carlisle Mason, 
John Wibeck, 
William McGregor 
W. M. Pond, 

G. W. Chamberlin, 
N. S. Bouton, 

A. W. Kingsland, 
O. S. Lyford, 

D. C. Bradley, 
John M. Thatcher, 
J. G. Brown, 
Thomas Carson, 
Rev. Mr. Sloan, 
Levi Rosenfeldt, 

E. R. Swayne, 
Charles Partridge,, 
Dan'l Gleason, 
Joseph Austrian, 
J. C. Bahart, 

W. F. Studebaker,. 
W. C. WilHng, 
Jacob Beidler, 
Abraham Kuh, 


A. A. Ogden, C. J Lindstrom, N. Matson, 

Edward Fleischer, H. B. Gragin, Max H. Mayers, 

W. E. Linn, P. Goldschmidt, B. P. Moulton, 

L. Lochenstein, 0. W. Wheeler, W. H. Woolf, 

G. G. Moore, Coarles Kosminski, N. K. Fairbanks 

Leopold Mayer, Benjamin Lindam, Jacob Metzler, 

John A. Hamlin, Simon Mandel, James S. Kirk. 


At five minutes after 11 o'clock, when hardly half of 
the procession had gone by, Mr. Blaine was obliged to leave 
the Grand Pacific to catch his train. Bidding Gen. Logan 
and the others good-by, he was escorted by Mr. Farwell, 
Col. Taylor and John M. Smyth, along the corridor, which 
was still full of people, to the waiting-room on the first floor, 
where three cheers were given by those following, and 
thence to a carriage in waiting at the Jackson street 
entrance. There were several thousand people there at the 
time, and, as he was driven off down Pacific avenue toward 
the depot, they gave him three more cheers. Accompanied 
by his two sons and Mr. John M. Smyth, he was driven to 
the Lake Shore depot, where his special car had been 
attached to the regular train for the East. Col. Abner Tay- 
lor, E. R. Bliss, and a few other prominent Republicans 
followed the party to the depot, and a sort of informal 
reception was held in the car. The news that Mr. Blaine 
was to leave over the Lake Shore Road had reached the 
throng about the Pacific, and about the time that he arrived 
at the depot a crowd began to congregate there. It swelled 
rapidly, and the special car was soon surrounded by an 
immense gathering of people, while others were strung 
along the main platform by which the train was to pass. 
Mr. Blaine could be seen through the windows of the car 
chatting and laughing with the men gathered about him^ 
and it was not long before the curious outsiders began 
climbing upon the car platform and making vain efforts to 


get inside. Finally the crowd began to call loudly "Blaine," 
" Blaine," " Let him come out just for a minute." "We 
must see hiia." This was kept up ten or fifteen minutes. 
At 11.30, just as the train was leaving, Mr. Blaine stepped 
out on the rear platform of his car, and was greeted with 
tremendous cheering, which was continued until the train 
was lost in the darkness. He doffed his hat and waved his 
handkerchief to the crowd as long as they could see him. 
It was not expected that many stops would be made by the 
train till Cleveland was reached. 


Mr. Blaine's journey to New York from Cliicago was,. 
comparatively speaking, without incident. He reached 
Jamestown Sunday evening. Ex-Gov. Fenton introduced 
Mr. Blaine to the people of that place the following morn- 
ing. In the course of his remarks he reminded the people 
that some years ago he had predicted the nomination of 
Blaine, and had made a mistake only as to the year. 
[Applause, laughter, and cheers.] When the cheering 
with which Blaine was received had subsided he said: 

Citizens of Chautauqua County: Though it has been my fortune 
in each of my visits to Jamestown to encounter a storm, I left before, as I 
leave now, with the absolute assurance that you are not dry-weather Re- 
pubhcans [cheers], and that you can stand a storm. [" We can ! " " We 
can!" and cheers.] The National contest draws to a close, and, while I 
do not propose to detain you with a speech, I state consecutively, and as 
I may, three or four propositions. In the first place, the great closing 
issue is, whether we shall continue the poUcy of protection or break down 
and resort to free trade. Keep protection — keep it if you want protection 
continued. M.j next proposition is that you should entrust that work to 
the RepubHcan party, which has been persistently and consistently in 
favor of that poHcy, and not to the Democratic party, which has been con- 
sistently and persistently in favor of free trade. [Cheers.] And my third 
proposition is that the Democratic party seeks now, as it has sought ever 
since the war, to capture the National Government by uniting Electoral 
votes in the North with the sohd South, and New York is one of the States 
in which efforts are to be made. New York is asked to turn her back 
upon all the great memories and the great record of her own history, and 
unite with the South. Never! I know that you will not do it. For the 
contest in behalf of a protective tariff and the contest against giving the 
South, with its free-trade theories, the control of this Government — I 
beheve you are ready. ["Yes!" "Yes!"] Have you confidence in your 
abihty to triumph? ["Yes!" "Yes!" and cheers.] Do you fully reaUze 
your responsibility? ["We do!" Cheers.] Is your courage equal to 
your responsibility and your confidence? ["Yes!" "Yes!" and great. 



cheers.] Then you have nothing to say. [General cries of " Go on ! " " Go 
on! "] Gentlemen, Western New York has the result of the National con- 
test largely in its keeping, and it is upon the loyalty, the courage, the 
determination, and the number of the EepubUcans of Western New York 
that the whole North relies to-day, feehng confident that, aa in past con- 
tests you held aloft the banner of the Union, you will do the same now 
in a crisis not less grave than those in which you have always acted so 
patriotically and so firmly. [Great cheering.] 

At Eandolph, a small station, there was a considerable 
gathering. Mr. Blaine spoke a few words in acknowledg- 
ment of the reception given him, and Senator Miller spoke 
briefly on the issues of the campaign. 

October 27, at Salamanca Mr. Blaine spoke as follows: 

The American people never settled but one great question in a single 
Presidential election. There may be other issues, but there is always one 
that leads and in the end absorbs popular attention. The issue in 1884 is 
the question of a protective tariff on the one side against free trade on the 
other. Some Eepublicans in the State of New York have left us because 
they are free-traders. They have acted wisely. [Laughter.] If they 
want free trade the proper thing for them to do is to join the Democratic 
party; but for those who want the protective tariff continued, the proper 
thing for them is to adhere to the RepubHcan party. [Cheers.] Any man 
who has decided convictions on that question should remain and abide 
with the RepubUcan party. On the other hand, any man who has decided 
views in favor of free trade will better carry out those views by joining 
the Democratic party. I want to be be very frank with you, and I want 
to be especially frank with gentlemen who think other questions are to be 
settled this year. There is no real issue but the question of protection 
and that other one which connects itself with it and becomes a part of it. 
Because the opponents of the protective tariff, if they have any hopes of 
prevaiHng, hope to do it by solidifying the vote of the South and asking 
the men of Indiana and the men of New York to join them. [Voices: 
" We won't do it."] The question therefore is whether you are ready to 
take New York out of the great cordon of States that were loyal during 
the war and tie her to the soUd South, in order that free trade may tri- 
umph over protection. [Cries of "Good!" and "Never!" "Never!"] I 
could not by multiplying words make the issue any plainer than that. I 
believe, when I look mto your faces, that I leave that issue in safe hands. 
[" You do ! " and cheers.] I beheve that Western New York will show that 
she is not to be diverted by any side issue ["No!" "No!"], especially by 
questions which can not be settled this year and which Tvill only tend to 
unsettle other questions of great and transcendent importance. [Great 


At Angelica Mr. Blaine left tlie train, and, in company with 
-ex-Senator Piatt, was driven through the village to a covered 
stand, around which was a meeting of several thousand people. 
A. N. Coley introduced Mr. Blaine, who was received with 
loud and long-continued cheering. Mr. Blaine began his 
speech by saying: 

" As Alleghany County has strong claims to be regarded as the birth- 
place of the Republican party, therefore the Repubhcans of that county 
were especially bound to stand by the party in the pending contest." 
Then, after remarking that the issues of the campaign had narrowed down 
to the one question of " protection vs. free trade," he called the attention 
of the farmers present to the fact that in New York, and Pennsylvania, 
and Ohio, and Indiana, and other States the value of land had increased 
in proportion to the development of manufacturing industries. This, he 
said, resulted from the creation of a home market, so that the price of the 
product of the farm went into the farmer's pocket instead of being eaten 
up in cost of transportation, as was necessarily the case where, because of 
lack of demand at home, the farmer had to depend on distant markets. 
Therefore, as the development of manufactures in a new country de- 
pended upon a protective tariff, it was clear no man in the community was 
more interested than the farmer in maintaining a protective policy. " I 
remember the time," said Mr. Blaine, " when Gov. Ritner of my native 
State was laughed at by the Democrats because he predicted that the day 
would come when the farmers in the rich valleys of Pennsylvania would 
be unable to supply breadstuffs and provisions for the miners in her 
mountains and the operatives in her factories in her factories, yet the state 
of things he then predicted has been history for many years, and the same 
is true of New York; and in both States it has resulted fi-om the benefi- 
€ent operation of the protective tariff." 

At Elmira Mr. Blaine, in company with ex-Senator Piatt and 
other gentlemen, was driven to the house of Mr. J. D. F. 
Slee, whose guest he was. After supper he came down to the 
stand facing the public park. The park and adjacent streets 
were crowded. When Mr. Blaine appeared he was received 
with tumultuous cheers. He had come to the stand to review 
the torchlight procession, but the people demanded a speech, 
and in response he again spoke of the relation between the 
" Solid South " and the tariff question. In the course of his 
remarks Mr. Blaine said: 

The approaching election in the South will exhibit an extraordinary 
spectacle for a Republic to witness. The colored voters of the Southern 
States number -almost a million. They are a very large element in every 


one of the eleven States of the late Confederacy, and in four of them — 
South CaroUna, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana — they constitute an. 
absolute majority of the people. They are with practical unanimity sup- 
porters of the Repubhcan party, yet so entirely is their freedom of suffrage 
destroyed that no one expects those States or any one of them to be carried. 
by the Repubhcan party, and this despite the fact that the colored majority 
is sustained by a not inconsiderable percentage of white votes in each of 
these States named. It is not to be forgotten in this connection that by 
the last census the Southern States acquired thirty-seven Electoral votes 
for Presidfcrnt and Yice-President by reason of the colored population, and 
I submit that it is rather gaUing to Northern feehngs and Northern pride 
that those thirty-seven votes, apportioned to the South by reason of her 
colored population, should be absolutely controlled by the white people, 
and that the negro, notwithstanding his vast numerical strength, should 
be left unrepresented in the Electoral College. [" That's so," and cheers.] 
It needs no demonstration to show how greatly this increases the political 
power of the Southern white man as against the power of the Northern 
white man, and how a soldier of the late Confederate army living at the 
South is thus enabled to wield a far more potential influence in shaping 
the administration of the National Government than a Union soldier in 
the North. [Sensation.] The proposition of the Democratic party of the 
Nation is to have New York join this aUiance, and, taking advantage of 
this wholesale crime against free suffrage in the South, to seize the Gov- 
ernment of the United States by a gross violation of the plainest rights 
of citizenship. ["Never ! " " They can't do it ! " " They'll get left ! "] A 
crime against the suffrage is a crime against the RepubUc. [Great cheer- 
ing.] If we aid them in depriving one man of his vote to-day, we may be 
deprived of our own votes to-morrow. There is no safety for any man's 
civil rights unless respect be paid the civil rights of all. [Renewed cheer- 
ing.] I never can beheve that the voice of New York will be pronounced 
in favor of so gross a perversion of constitutional guarantees, so ruthless 
a \dolation of personal rights, as Southern elections have come to be. 
["Never!"] It is startling to reflect that by an election thus carried the 
great domestic policies of the country may be overturned, that financial 
and industrial systems may be destroyed, and that by the robbery of the 
colored vote of Electors whom their votes would choose, an absolute rev- 
olution may be wrought in the administration of the Government. 
["That's so!" and cheers.] The accomphshment of the scheme of 
Democratic party would be the most palpable and offensive installa- 
tion of minority over majority ever attempted, and it can be achieved 
by a crime in which I beheve New York can never be made to partici- 
pate." ["Never!" "Never!" and great cheers.] 


Shortly after tlie Blaine train left Jamestown in the morn- 
ing JMayor Parsons of Rochester approached Mr. Blaine,, 


bearing a uniform of Company F, First Regiment Boys in 
Blue of Rochester, and informed Mr. Blaine he was the 
bearer of a letter from a committee of ladies residing in the 
Third Ward of Rochester. "You will," said the Mayor, 
" doubtless remember — for people say you always remember 
everything — that when in our city a few weeks ago you signed 
your name to the roster of Company F, Boys in Blue. That 
act made you a member of that organization, and as you are 
the only non-uniformed member of that company, I am dele- 
gated to present to you a suit similar to that worn by your 
comrades in Rochester." 

The letter is as follows: 

The Hon. James G. Blaine — Dear Sir: The Eepublican ladies 
of the Third Ward, Kochester, in presenting uniforms to Company F, 
First Regiment Boys in Blue, of this city, find that your name is signed 
to the roll of that company. They therefore take great pleasure in offer- 
ing to you, the only remaining non-uniformed member, the accompanying 
uniform, feeling that your acceptance of the same will be a favor, not only 
to them, but to the company, whose appreciation of your former kind 
attention is shown in their campaign. 

Mr. Blaine responded as follows: 

Mr. Mayor : I remember very vividly the pleasant incident which 
you recall to my mind, and am highly gratified by the interest which it 
has excited among the Boys in Blue of your beautiful city, and I am 
pleased to have been called an honorary member of their organization, 
and the fact that they have complimented me with the uniform which dis- 
tinguished their body I regard as an especial honor. I shall carry it 
home with me as one of the most pleasing souvenirs of my long tour, 
with which I shall associate Rochester, both at my going and coming. I 
wish you would communicate personally to the gentlemen who have so 
signally marked their partiality for me my full appreciation of their act, 
and include especially in my thanks the ladies who have lent their 
gracious and skillful aid. The honor represents three of the most poten- 
tial influences in the Republican campaign of 1884: The strength which 
comes from the soldiers and from the young men, and the sympathy 
expressed in so large a degree by the ladies of the country. The soldiers 
and the young men give their voice and the work; the ladies their coun- 
tenance and encouragement, which carries with it a powerful, widespread 
influence. Please boar back with you the assurance of my grateful appre- 
ciation of the kindness of those whom you represent on this occasion, as 
well as my pleasant memory of the great and enthusiastic reception 
with which the people honored me on the occasion of my last visit to 


At Hornellsville there was a very large and enthusiastic 
crowd. Mr. Blaine discussed at some length the relations o£ 
the Southern question to the tariff and protection, substan- 
tially in the same vein as his speech at Elmira in the evening. 
At Canestoe, Addison, and Corning brief stops were made, 
and at each place Blaine spoke very briefly in acknowledg- 
ment of the reception given him. At Corning there was a 
very large crowd. 

Mr. Blaine also spoke this day at Olean, Corning, Addison, 
and other points. 

Mr. Blaine started out in a rain storm Oct. 28 from Elmira, 
There was a larger crowd at the station than Mr. Blaine has 
often had upon fair days. His entire day has been filled with 
incidents of the marked devotion of the Republicans and the 
cause of the party. 

At Owego the severe shower had moderated and changed 
to fine, driving rain. This is the home of ex-Senator Piatt. 
Here the crowd was as great as might reasonably have been 
expected upon a pleasant day. There were four thousand 
people packed as closely together as possible. Mr. Piatt, 
who was only just from a sick bed, stood out in the rain and 
made quite an elaborate speech in introducing Mr. Blaine. 
The latter was not to be outdone by the crowd. He, too, 
stood in the rain without an umbrella, with his two hands 
buried deep in the pockets of his heavy blue overcoat. 

Mr. Blaine stepped out on a flat-car decorated for the 

occasion, and was received in the usual enthusiastic manner. 

Ex-Senator T. C. Piatt introduced him. Mr. Blaine said : 

Nothing has caused me more regret than that I passed through 
Southern New York in a rain storm. ["We can stand the rain."] I wanted 
to meet the people without causing discomfort to them, yet nothing has 
impressed me more than the fact that from the time I entered the 
State at Jamestown to this hour the rain has not suffice 1 to quench or 
abate the enthusiasm of the Republican masses. [Great cheering.] As I 
said yesterday at Jamestown, it shows that we are not a dry weather party. 
[Renewed cheering.] 

Mr. Blaine spoke of the great growth in wealth of the 

State of New York from $1,800,000,000 in 1860 to $6,300, 

000,000 in 1880, an increase much greater, relatively, than 


the increase in population, and saying that no intelligent 

man, Democrat or Republican, would deny that it was due 

in a large degree to the influence of the protective tariff. 

At Binghamton the crowd and enthusiasm were both 

immense on the arrival of the Blaine train. Mr. Blaine 

spoke as follows: 

I am sure that no man who loves the American Union can ever visit 
the city of Binghamton without an honorable remembrance of Daniel S. 
Dickinson [cheers], and no man who was contemporary with the great 
civil struggle which involved the fate of American nationality can ever 
forget the strength, encouragement, and enthusiasm which he brought to 
the loyal cause when he forsook his party for his country. [Loud cheer- 
ing.] Not precisely in the same phase, but involving like issues, is the 
contest in which we are engaged to-day. For as we then confronted the 
South arrayed in war against the Union, so we confront it now in an 
attempt by a great combination to seize the Government of the United 
States and control it by the same men who rebelled against it. The 
reason I refer to that here and now is that that combination will be abso- 
lutely ineffective unless aided by the vote of New York, and I am sure 
that the County of Broome and Valley of the Susquehanna will enter an 
indignant protest against the Empire State being taken out of the great 
cordon of free States, always loyal to the Union, to be joined with the 
States of the solidified South. ["You are right," and cheers.] This is not 
a mere question of sentiment. It is not a mere question of patriotism. It 
is also a question of material interest. The triumph of the South in this 
contest would mean the triumph of free trade and the destruction of the 
protective system. In the whole history of that marvelous prosperity 
which has made New York the most populous and the most wealthy State 
in the Union, you have never made any progress comparable to that which 
you have made since 1861. When Buchanan, the last Democratic Presi- 
dent, went out of office the wealth of -New York was $1,800,000,000 
as shown by the National census. Twenty years later, under a continuous 
protective tariff, the enactment of which was the first work of the Repub- 
lican party after it gained power, your progress was so rapid that your 
wealth had advanced from $1,800,000,000 to $6,300,000,000, as shown by 
the census of 1880. [Cheers.] No such progress was ever made before 
in the history of human government. And there is not an intelligent 
man of any party who does not know that that progress was in large 
measure due to the influence of the protective tariff. [Renewed cheers.] 
Is New York ready to give it up? ["No! no!"] Is New York ready to join 
the sohd South for free trade? ["Never!"] Is New York ready to stand 
by the Republican party and protective tariff? ["Yes! yes!"] And I see 
that you realize your responsibihty and need no stimulus from words of 


At Deposit Mr. Blaine said: 

There is no intelligent Democrat wlio will not tell you behind the 
door that the most potent agent in i)rodiicing this marvelous prosperity- 
has been the protective tariff. Now, I ask that intelligent Democrat to 
come out from behind the door on to the front steps and vote the Rex^ub- 
lican ticket, because in that way, and in that way alone, can he aid in 
maintaining the protective system. [Great cheers.] 

At Port Jervis Mr. Blaine addressed a large crowd here 
as follows: 

This town is a center of railway industry, and I want to call the 
attention of the railway men who do me the honor to listen to me to the 
fact that when the Repubhcan party came into power in the Nation there 
were not 30,000 miles of railway in the country. That was twenty-three years 
ago. There are now nearly 120,000 miles, and the railway industry — not 
merely the capital employed in the running of trains, but the general 
employment of men — has increased in even larger proportion than the 
fourfold ratio of the mileage of the roads. Is there any man here who 
doubts that that outgrowth of the railway system of the country is simply 
the accurate measure of the growth of the industries of the country — 
industries whose growth was stimulated by the protective tarifP? I see 
before me men engaged in various avocations, some of you in the railway 
business, some of you in manufactures, and some of you in farming, 
but there is not one of you whose prosperity is not affected, not one 
whose fireside is not reached by the influence of the protective tariff. 
Men speak of the city of New York as interested in free trade because it 
is a great commercial metropolis. Why, there are five men — I do not 
know but I might safely say there are ten men — in the city of New York 
whose bread depends ultimately upon a protective tariff to every one who 
depends upon free trade. We are in the habit of speaking of the com- 
mercial cities as though they had interests antagonistic to the protective 
system, but New York never had so vast a commerce as she has had since 
the protective tariff has been in full operation, and since Lincoln was 
inaugurated the exports from New York have more than doubled all that 
she had exported from the time when the first Dutchman set foot on Man- 
hattan Island down to 1861. [Prolonged cheering.] I certainly would 
not advocate the protective system if it injured any of the great interests 
of the country; but the fact is that there never was a time when agricul- 
ture, manufactures and commerce went forward so rapidly or with so 
great results in any Nation as in the United States during the last twenty- 
three years under the operation of the protective tariff. [Cheers.] 

October 28 th. At Middletown, Mr. Blaine, in the course 
of his remarks, said: 

I have just returned from a long tour through the great, prosperous 
States of the West — of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois and Wisconsin — 


and everywhere I found the Republican party united, strong, and confi- 
dent. I hope that that is its condition in New York. If you have had 
any differences in your own ranks, if there have been any httle dissensions, 
I trust that you will forget them, and that there will be but one Repub- 
lican party in the State of New York. I trust that there will be no longer 
"Half -Breeds" or ''Stalwarts," but only Repubhcans; that we shall tolerate 
no jealousies or heart-burnings within our ranks, but that, ignoring the 
differences of the past, we shall all unite in common and honorable combat 
against the common enemy, not only of our party, but, as we beHeve, of 
the prosperity of the country. [Cheers.] 

At Paterson there was an immense multitude awaiting 
the arrival of the train — certainly not less than 40,000 per- 
sons. They had banners, and cannon, and fireworks, and 
when Mr. Blaine appeared they cheered and yelled so 
vociferously and set off their fireworks so continuously that 
it seemed idle to attempt a speech. The Hon. William 
Walter Phelps introduced Mr. Blaine, who returned thanks 
for his reception, and urged the people to vote for Mr. 
Phelps as their Bepresentative. This advice was received 
with three cheers for Phelps. 

At Passaic there was quite a demonstration. Mr. Blaine 
spoke a few words of thanks. He said that the most 
enthusiastic Bepublicans he had met in the West were in 
Indiana, and from what he had seen to-night he was inclined 
to think the most enthusiastic Bepublicans in the East were 
in New Jersey. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Blaine also spoke this day at Narrowsburg, Sus- 
quehanna, Lackawaxen and other points. 

Mr. Blaine returned to New York City feeling as strong 
and looking as fresh as when he left it September 24th, on 
his trip through Ohio and the Western States. 

The special train bringing Mr. Blaine and his party was 
due in Jersey City at 6:30 p. m., but it was eighteen minutes 
late. A large crowd gathered in the Erie depot, and 
numerous inquiries were made of the officials as to the cause 
uf the delay and the time when the train would arrive. As 
the moments passed the waiting people became more uneasy. 
The majority of them seemed due at other points, but were 


unwilling to leave their posts until they had seen Mr. 
Blaine. No preparations had been made to welcome the 
candidate, as the local managers had been informed that it 
would be impossible for him to make a stop there. It was 
thought that after a day of exertion he would be in great 
need of a good night's rest to prepare him for the demands 
that were to be made upon his strength during the rest 
of the week. The New York State Committee did all 
in its power to enable Mr. Blaine to arrive quietly at Jersey 
City, and thence to reach the Fifth Avenue Hotel by a 
route of which the public knew nothing. It was generally 
supposed that he would cross from Jersey City by a 
Cortland street ferry-boat, but the State Committee made 
sure that he should be landed at West Twenty-third street. 
A more patient crowd than that which filled the Erie depot 
it would be difficult to find. One of them said: "We've 
come here to see Blaine, and we'll see him if it takes all 
night." As he gave expression to this sentiment the special 
train thundered into the depot, and with tremendous energy 
the crowd roared out the familiar cheer, "Blaine — Blaine — 
James G. Blaine!" The shout reached the ears of Mr. 
Blaine and his party, who instantly inferred that his arrival 
would not be of the unobtrusive character they had counted 
upon. Mr. Blaine was among the first to reach the platform. 
He jumped from the steps of the car as if fatigue were a 
thing unknown to him. Postmaster Manley of Augusta, 
and Walker Blaine at once reached his side, and the three 
headed a party composed of Senator Warner Miller, 
ex-Speaker Galusha A. Grow, Garrett A. Hobart, Chairman 
New Jersey Republican State Committee, E. T. Bell, and 
Joseph W. Condon of Paterson, Thomas B. Watson, Dr. 
Van Riper, R. Outwater, M. E. Worthen, John F. Kilgour, 
and Maj. Spencer of Passaic, Charles feurrows. Dr. J. N. 
Phelps, Henry Koster, E. Garland, and Maj. Schafer of 
Rutherford, N. J., State Senator Boyd, ex-State Senator 
Lynde, Senator Lansing of Watertown, N. Y., A. S. Smart 


of "Washington County, N. Y., Gen. Merritt, ex-Senator T. 
C Piatt, wife and son, ex-Lieut. -Gov. Eobinson of 
Binghamton, Andrew Devine of Washington, Chairman 
Draper of the Executive Committee, Alexander M. Holmes, 
C. S. Cole, A. E. Baxter, Senators Chickering and Barker 
of the Eepublican State Committee, Maj. C. E. Parsons of 
Eochester, J. J. O'Brien, Bernard Biglin, and many others. 
Before Mr. Blaine, marched a gentleman bearing a huge 
bouquet of roses which was presented to Mr. Blaine at 
Pater son. To judge from the number of bouquets carried 
by different members of the party the gardens along the 
route must have been despoiled of their choicest treasures. 
All of the floral tributes had been presented to Mr. Blaine 
during the day. It was with the greatest difficulty that the 
crowd in the depot were prevented from rushing through 
the gates and actually overwhelming him with the 
warmth of welcome. But they were held back, and saw 
with envy the opportunity which befell the engineer of a 
waiting train. Lamp in hand he reached Mr. Blaine's side, 
and said: "Mr. Blaine, will you let me shake your 

"Certainly," replied Mr. Blaine, with a kindly smile, as 
he grasped the grimy palm of the engineer and shook it 
warmly. The man held Mr. Blaine's as if he were deter- 
mined that no one else should take possession of it, and 
before he let it go, said: " Pve shaken the hand of the 
man I'll vote for, and who will be elected." 

The remark was caught by the crowd, and again and again 
the ringing cheer, "Blaine, Blaine, James G. Blaine!" was 
given with a will that brought a bright smile to the face of 
the candidate. 

Mr. Blaine remained with his family the greater part of 
the following day and did not receive the public generally, 
although he saw a number of delegations and personal friends. 
Mrs. Blaine, Miss Margaret, and Miss Dodge arrived the pre- 
vious night. 


The most remarkable delegation received by Mr. Blaine 
was made up by the ministers of this city and Brooklyn, 
There were 1,018 of them by actual count. 


Pelted with rain, but pelted with flowers, chilled by the 
damp wind, but warmed by the devotion blazing in the 
hearts of marching thousands, James G. Blaine stood 
October 29th, while daylight faded into dusk and dusk 
became darkness lit by the glad welcome in countless 
eyes, and watched the greatest and most imposing march 
of business men that has ever taken place in New York City, 
Twenty-five thousand men identified with the material inter- 
ests of the city turned out and marched for hours through 
the pitiless rain in order to honor the man whom they will 
next Tuesday night call President of the United States. It is 
difficult to say if the number of those marching or the enthu- 
siasm displayed by all concerned, either as spectators or par- 
ticipators, is the more to be marveled at. In neither par- 
ticular has any former display of popular feeling exceeded 
the parade. 


When Mr. Blaine was traveling in the West he received 
a letter from William M. Evarts and 200 other gentlemen, in 
which he was invited to dine at Delmonico's some night in 
the last week of the campaign. The letter requested him to 
fix a day when it would be most convenient for him to meet 
his hosts. In answer to the invitation, and while Mr. Blaine 
was on his way to Evansville, Ind., he replied as follows: 

EvANSviLLE, Ind., Oct. 24th 1884. 
To the Hon. William M. Evarts, John Jacob Astor, and others, New 
York : I accept with much pleasure your kind invitation to dine with you 
next week, and indicate Wednesday evening, October 29th, as one agree- 
able to myself, but shall gladly leave the assignment of time to yourselves. 

James G. Blaine. 

Such was the origin of the dinner given to Mr. Blaine at Del- 
monico's. It was 7 :20 when Mr. Blaine reached the rooms, and 


a few minutes later, as he entered the "ball-room," where the 
covers were laid, he was greeted by hand-clapping of others of 
the company, who had preceded him and stood at their respect- 
ive places at the tables. Mr. Blaine was escorted to the post 
of honor by Mr. William M. Evarts and Mr. Cyras W. Field, 
and took his seat as the room resounded with "three cheers 
for James G. Blaine," proposed by Mr. A. E. Whitney. 

The distinguished guest of the evening, Mr. Blaine, sat 
immediately on the right of the President. Levi P. Morton, 
United States Minister to France, sat on the immediate left 
of Mr. Evarts. The other guests at the principal table, and in 
the order of sitting, were: On the right — Judge Noah Davis, 
Presiding Justice of the Supreme Court of New York, who 
sat next to Mr. Blaine; ex-Gov. Cornell, New York; Gov. 
Hoyt of Pennsylvania; Cyrus W. Field and Charles E. Coon, 
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. On the left — The Rev. 
Henry M. Field, D. D., ex-Senator Thomas C. Piatt; ex- Judge 
JohnF. Dillon; William Dowd, and Addison Brown. 

The more prominent of the other gentlemen forming the 
company were : Whitelaw Reid, Henry Clews, Cornelius N. 
Bliss, Jacob D. Yermilye, J. M. Bundy, Sinclair Tousey, D. 
A. Hawkins, Jesse Seligman, Brayton Ives, Aug, Kountze, 
Clarence E. Seward, David Dows, Jr., William H. Robertson, 
D. S. Babcock, Cyrus W. Field, Jr., Robert Sewell, Jesse 
Hoyt, Joseph H. Brown, D. O. Mills, John Jay Knox, Lloyd 
Aspinwall, Horace Porter, Salem H. Wales, Thomas McElrath, 
A. G. McCook, Parke Godwin, E. F. Winslow, Russell Sage, 
Jay Gould. The only guests present from outside of New York 
City and Brooklyn were : D. O. Bradley of TarrytoAvn, N. Y. 
G. H. Scribner of Yonkers, N. Y. ; Frederick A. Potts, New 
Jersey; Calvin Wells, Pittsburgh; Charles Emory Smith, 
Philadelphia ; G. F. Hobart, New Jersey ; Sir Richard Tem- 
ple, England; E. A. Merritt, Consul-General at London, 
England ; Joseph B. Carr, Troy, N. Y. ; John Roach, Ches- 
ter, Pa.; Samuel Fessenden, Stamford, Conn., B. F. Jones, 
Pittsburgh; Mr. Manley, Augusta; Charles E. Coon, Wash- 
ington; Emmons Blaine, Chicago; Walker Blaine, Augusta, 
Me. ; and John A. Sleischer, Albany, N. Y. 


The various tables were supplied with (iainty designs 
intended to illustrate the character of the industries of the 
<;ountry, and in which the citizens were for the most part 
engaged. One table was devoted to sculpture and to arts, 
letters, and science, and one to the iron interest. 

The flags, the ribbon forming the initials of Mr. Blaine's 
name, and the initials of the inscription below the most con- 
spicuous design were hand-painted and exquisitely done. 

When Mr. Blaine arose he was greeted with a whirlwind 
of applause. He said: 

It is a great reversal of positions, Mr. President [addressing Mr. 
EvartsJ, that makes me hear you ascribe leadership to me. [Applause.] 
For it has been my duty and my pleasure in these long years to follow 
you [applause and cheers]; to learn from you wisdom in public affairs, 
and join with my countrymen in ascribing to you not merely the great 
merit of leadership in the noblest of professions, but to yield our admira- 
tion for the singular success which has given to you the opportunity to 
lead in the three most important cases ever pleaded by a member of the 
American bar. [Applause.] First, in resisting your own party in what 
you deemed the impolicy if not the madness of impeaching a President 
[cries of "Good!" "Good!" and cheers]; second, in maintaining before the 
greatest international tribunal that has ever assembled in modern times 
the rights of your country and obtaining redress for wrongs to her that 
grew out of the Civil War [applause]; and third, in perhaps averting 
another civil war by pleading before an Electoral Commission a peaceful 
settlement of the angriest political discusion that ever arose between the 
parties in the United States. [Applause and cheers.] 

I turn now from your President to thank you, merchants, professional 
men, leaders in the great and complex society of New York — to thank you 
for receiving me, not merely at this festal board, but also in that far more 
impressive reception which the close of this rainy day witnesses in your 
broad and beautiful avenue. I could not, I am sure, by any possible 
stretch of vanity take this large and generous demonstration to myself. 
It is given to me only for the time as the representative of the principles 
which you and I hold in common touching those great interests which 
underlie, as we believe, the prosperity of the Nation. [Applause.] And 
it is fitting that the commercial metropohs of the continent should lead; it 
is fitting that the financial center of the continent should lead; it is fitting 
that this great city, second only in the world, should give an expression 
to the continent of its views and its judgment on the important questions 
to be decided Tuesday next by the American people. [Cheers.] 

And I venture — not that I know it so well as you, but that I am 
spokesman for the present — I venture to remind you, men of New York, 


^th your wealth and your just influence and your magnificent prestige,that 
70 per cent, of the entire property of this city has been acquired since 
Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated the 4th of March 1861. I should 
not mention here a fact of percentage and of statistics if it did 
not carry with it an argument and a moral. The common apprehension 
in regard to New York is that it is simply a great commercial city — so 
great that its exports and imports represent largely the major part of all 
that is exported from or imported into the United States. That we all 
know. But we are often prone to forget that New York is the largest 
manufacturing city in the world, with perhaps a single exception; that of 
the ^6,000,000,000 of manufactures annually produced in the United States, 
this great Empire State furnishes one-fifth— ^1,200,000,000— of which this 
great Empire City produces $500,000,000. And from these facts comes 
that great sympathy, that indentity of interest which has moved the pre- 
viously existing conflicts between what have been known as the manu- 
facturing and the commercial interests, and has taught us that there can be 
no true prosperity in the country unless the three great interests compre- 
hended by agriculture, manufactures, and commerce are acting in har- 
mony, the one with the other, and joining together for a common end and 
ior the common good. [Cheers.] 

It is usually thought that a change of Government means but Httle; 
that we come together with our votes a given day and count them as the sun 
goes down, and one party goes out and another comes in. But,gentlemen,it 
is worth while to remember that the United States is proceeding to-day 
upon a given basis of pubHc pohcy — I might say upon a given series of 
pubHc poUcies. We have a great financial system; we have a great cur- 
rency system; we have an important National credit; we have a levying 
of duties, as has been so well described by your distinguished President 
of the evening, so adjusted that the industries of the country are fostered 
and encouraged thereby; we have three important constitutional amend- 
ments that grew out of the war, upon which, at this hour, and in the 
hours, and the days, and the weeks, and the years to follow, great issues 
hang in this country. Are we — if we should be in\dted to step down and 
out and our opponents to step up and in [applause] — are we to under- 
stand that these polices are to be reversed? [Cries of "Yes!" "Yes!" 
Then if we are to understand that they are to be reversed we should, 
one and all, prepare for a grand disaster. ["Hear !" "Hear !" and cheers.] 
For a single illustration, let me recall to your minds that the repeal of 
ten lines in the National Banking Act would restore to vitality and 
vigor the old State-bank system from which we had happily escaped, as 
we thought, for all the remainder of our lives. [Applause.] 

If these policies are to be reversed you will have to re-cast your 
a,ccounts and review your ledgers and prepare for a new and, I may say, 
a dangerous depai-ture; and if these pohcies are not to be reversed they 
-will certainly be better maintained by the great party which originated 
them and has thus far sustained them with vigor and success. [Applause.] 


As I have already said, we speak of New York as the great exporting' 
and importing city, and from that perhaps we often give an exaggerated 
importance, relatively speaking, to our foreign trade, because this magnifi- 
cent metropolis never would have attained its grandeur arid its wealth 
upon the foreign trade alone. We should never forget, important as that 
trade is, representing the enormous sum of ^1,500,000,000 annually, that 
it sinks into insignificance and is dwarfed out of sight when we think of 
those vast domestic exchanges of which New York is the admitted center 
and which annually exceed $2,000,000,000. [Applause.] 

Our foreign trade naturally brings to our consideration the foreign 
relations of this country, so well described by my distinguished friend as 
always simple and sincere. It is the safeguard of Repubhcs that they are 
not adapted to war. [Cheers.] I mean aggressive war. [Cheers.] And 
it is the safeguard of this Republic that in a defensive war we can defy 
the world. [Loud cheering.] This Nation to-day is in profound peace 
with the world. [Cheers.] But, in my judgment, it has before it a great 
duty which will not only make that profound peace permanent, but shall 
set such an example as will absolutely abolish war on this continent, and 
by a great example and a lofty moral precedent shall ultimately abolish it 
in other continents. [Great and long-continued cheering.] I am justified 
in saying that every one of the seventeen independent Powers of North 
and South America is not only willing but ready — is not only ready but 
eager — to enter into a solemn compact in a congress that may be called 
in the name of peace to agree that if, unhappily, differences shall arise — 
as differences will arise between men and nations — they shall be settled 
upon the peaceful and Christian basis of arbitration. [Great cheering.] 

And, as I have often said before, I am glad to repeat in this great 
center of civilization and power that in my judgment no National spec- 
tacle, no international spectacle, no continental spectacle, could be more 
grand than that the Republics of the Western World should meet together 
and solemnly agree that neither the soil of North nor that of South 
America shall be hereafter stained by brothers' blood. [Prolonged 

The Republican party, gentlemen, can not be said to be on triaL 
[Cheers.] To be on trial implies something to be tried for. ["Right !"^ 
"That's so!" and cheers.] The Republican party in its twenty-three years 
of rulership has advanced the interests of this country far beyond that 
of any of its predecessors in power. It has elevated the standard of 
America — it has increased its wealth in a ratio never before realized, and^ 
I may add, never before dreamed of. [Great cheering.] 

Statistics, I know, are dry; and I have dwelt so much upon them in 
the last six weeks that they might be supposed to be especially dry to me. 
And yet I never can forget the eloquence of the figures which tell us that 
the wealth of this great Empire State when the Republican party took the 
reigns of government was estimated at SI, 800,000,000, and that twenty 
years afterward, under the influence of an industrial and financial system 


for which that party is proudly responsible [great applause], under the 
influence of that industrial and financial system, the same tests which gave 
you $1,800,000,000 of property in 1860 gave you $6,300,000,000 in 1880. 
[Loud and long-continued cheering.] There has never been in all the 
history of financial progress — there has never been in all the history of the 
world — any parallel to this; and I am sure, gentlemen, that the Repub- 
lican party is not arrogant nor over confident when it claims to itself the 
credit of organizing and maintaining the industrial :sy stem which gave to 
you and your associates in enterprise the equal and just laws which 
enabled you to make this marvelous progress. [Great cheering.] 

As I have said, that party is not on trial. If it has made mistakes, 
they have been merged and forgotten^in the greater success which has 
corrected them. [Cheers.] If it has had internal differences, they are 
laid aside. [Cheers.] If it has had factional strife, I am sure that has 
ceased. [Renewed cheering.] And I am equally sure that, looking to the 
history of the past and looking to that great future which we are justified 
in prophesying, this Imperial State cannot afford to reverse, and therefore 
will not reverse, those great policies upon which it has grown and 
advanced from glory to glory. [Enthusiastic cheering.] 

I thank you, gentlemen; I thank that larger number with whom I 
have already had the pleasure of exchanging greetings to-day ; I thank 
the ministers, the merchants, the lawyers, the professional men, the 
mechanics, the laboring men of New York [applause], for a cordial 
reception, an over-generous welcome, which in all the mutations of my 
future hfe will be to me among the proudest and most precious of my 

Mr. Blaine here took his seat amid loud and continued 
applause and enthusiastic cheering "for the next President 
of the United States." 

]Mr. Evarts then read the letters received by IMr. Cyrus 
W. Field from the gentlemen named above, and said: 

"And now, gentlemen, it has been arranged by those 
who have consulted our comfort that the speaking at the 
tables shall cease, and that we leave these seats and meet in 
the ample parlors that surround us, so that you may person- 
ally greet and talk with our guest." 


At 10 o'clock October 29th, the gentlemen^s parlor of 
the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, was filled with clergy- 
men of various denominations, who had gathered to meet 
Mr. Blaine. Five minutes later the Rev. Dr. James King 
called the assemblage to order, and the Eev. Dr. Burchard 
was chosen Chairman and the Eev. Dr. McArthur Secretary. 
Dr. King then presented the following resolutions: 

Resolved, 1. That we believe that the triumph of the principles of 
the Republican party is essential to the welfare of the country and to the 
preservation of the results of the late civil strife, and consequently that 
the election of its representatives in the persons of the Hon. James G. 
Blaine and Gen. John A. Logan is imperative. 

2. That we beheve in the purity of the personal character of these 
standard-bearers, and also believe in their trained capacity as statesmen 
to meet the claims of the high offices for which they are in nomination. 

3. That we protest against the coronation of conceded personal 
impurity as represented by the head of the Democratic ticket, and, while 
we deplore the necessity, we do not evade the responsibility of declaring 
our judgment to the world of this insult to Christian civihzation 
embodied in such nomination for the Presidency of the Republic. 

4. That we are opposed to putting a premium on disloyalty as pre- 
sented by the candidate for the Vice-Presidency of the Democratic 

5. That we exhort all well-meaning and loyal citizens, regardless of 
party, when purity is at stake, not, by voting for the Prohibition candi- 
date, to cast a half- vote for the Democratic party with the semi-sanction 
of impurity and dissipation, nor to cast a whole vote for a man whose 
name is now the conspicuous synonym of incapacity and incontinency. 

6. That we exhort our fellow-citizens to cast one vote for virtue in 
the home, for protection for the rights of the humblest citizens at home 
and abroad, for protection for American industries, for the settlement of 
international differences by arbitration, for the war against polygamy, 
for decent treatment of Indians, for the preservation of the results of the 
wars of the Revolution and of the Rebellion, for every sacred interest 
of our beloved country, by voting the Republican ticket at the ensuing 




After the resolutions had been read and adopted the 
Eev. Dr. Burchard named as the commitee to address Mr. 
Blaine, when he should be brought before them, the follow- 
ing gentlemen: The Bev. Dr. James King of the Method- 
ist Episcopal Church, the Bev. Dr. Spear of the Presby- 
terian Church, the Bev. Dr. McArthur of the Baptist 
Church, Babbi Brown of Temple Gates of Hope, the 
Bev. Dr. J. G. Boberts of the Brooklyn Congregational 
Church, and Bichard Lawrence of the Friends' Meeting- 

The clergymen then went to the corridor on the first 
floor and round about the foot of the stairway down 
which walked Mr. Blaine leaning on the arm of the Bev. 
Dr. King, while Minister Levi P. Morton, his son Walker 
Blaine, Mrs. Blaine, and his daughters were on the landing 
above. The Bev. Dr. King and Mr. Blaine paused on the 
fourth or fifth step from the floor, and the Bev. Dr. Burch- 
ard was introduced to Mr. Blaine by Dr. King. Dr. 
Burchard then ascended to the side of Mr. Blaine and 
addressed him as follows : 

We are very happy to welcome you to this city. You see here a 
representation of all denominations of this city. You see the large num- 
ber that are represented. We are your friends, Mr. Blaine, and, notwith- 
standing all the calumnies that have been urged in the papers against 
you, we stand by your side. [Shouts of "Amen."] We expect to vote for 
you next Tuesday. We have higher expectations, which are that you will 
be the President of the United States, and that you will do honor to your 
name, to the United States, and to the high office you will occupy. We are 
Repubhcans, and don't propose to leave our party and identify ourselves 
with the party whose antecedents have been Rum, Romanism, and 
Rebellion. We are loyal to our flag. We are loyal to you. 

A number of other ministers then spoke, when Mr. 
Blaine responded as follows: 

Mr. Chairmen and Reverend Oentlemen : This is altogether a very 
remarkable assemblage— remarkable beyond any of which I have known 
in the history of poHtical contests in the United States — and it does not 
need my personal assurance that you should know that I am very deeply 
impressed by it. I do not feel that I am speaking to these hundreds of 
men merely. I am speaking to the great congregations and the great 


religious opinion which is behind them, and, as they represent the great 
Christain bodies, I know and I realize the full weight of that which you 
say to me and of the influence which you tender me. Were it to me per- 
sonally, I confess that I should be overcome by the compUment and 
the weight of confidence which it carries, but I know that it is extended to 
me as the representative of the party whose creed and whose practices 
are in harmony with the churches. The Republican party, from its very 
outset, stood upon the impregnable platform of opposition to the exten- 
sion of human slavery, and stood on that platform till it was drifted by 
the hostility it provoked into a larger assertion of National sovereingty 
and thence into a bloody conflict to maintain it. From that onward I 
defy any man to point to a single measure of the Republican party which 
could not challenge the approbation of Christian ministers and the 
approval of God. And when, as one of the reverend speakers has said, 
I narrowed the issue when I spoke of it [coming down to a question of 
the tariff), I did not mean to exclude therefrom — ^I could not mean it— 
that great history of the party which is its wealth aod its creed, and which 
gives to you aud to all that stand behind you the assurance that, what- 
ever issue it attempts to enforce, it will do it in good faith. They can no 
more separate a party from its history than you can separate a man from 
his character, and when the great make-up of public opinion is ready to 
take into account the origin, progress, the measures, the character of the 
party, and the character of its public men. 

What I meant by saying that the tariff was the conclusive issue was 
that it steps to the fore front, not in exclusion of a thousand other 
important issues; but for this critical occasion, and at the close of this 
great campaign, it stands forth as that issue which represents bread to the 
hungry, clothing to the naked, and prosperity to the entire people. And 
the tariff is, therefore, merely as a National issue, distinct and separate 
from the great moral issues, because, as I have said before Western 
audiences, I say here, you can not impress a man if he is hungry 
with any other thought than that he shall be fed. You can not 
impress a man if he is naked with any other thought than that he 
shall be clothed, and therefore that pubHc policy and statesmanship 
is highest and best that attends to the primary needs of human 
nature first, and says, here is bread for the hungry, here is clothing 
for the naked. And the tariff, which protects the American laborer in 
his wages, the American capitalist in his investments, the inventive 
talent in the country in its enterprise, is the issue which lies at the very 
foundation of the American people and the very foundation of the 
success of the Christian religion. When you send out your missions to 
the destitute places you clothe the little naked children and give them 
food at the first step. Therefore, I repeat, that the great conflict of 1884 
closes with the people of the United States standing face to face in two 
parties, saying whether they will adhere to that policy of protection which 
has trebled the wealth of the United States in twenty years, or whether 


they will abandon it and return once more to the failing theory of free 
trade. ["Never! Never!"] It involves other issues, too. No Nation can 
grow so powerful as the United States has grown and is growing contin- 
ually enlarging its relations with other nations. As these relations 
become so enlarged they become comphcated, and therefore the foreign 
policy of the United States goes right along with its domestic policy — 
supplements and complements it — and we cannot in any affair of our des- 
tiny and our pohcy separate one from the other. 

Now, gentlemen of the church, I address an earnest word to you. 
The poHcy of the United States in the past and in the future must be one 
of broad, Hberal Christian principles, and in that policy it must be one in 
my judgment which draws nearer within the circle of the sympathies of 
the United States those other struggHng EepubHcs of North and South 
America, which bring them first into trade relations and then into close 
personal and moral relations, and I believe that we shall not only have 
that great gain that comes from intercourse, but we shall enlarge the 
civilization of the Anglo-Saxon until its limits shall include the most 
southern point of the continent. 

I did not intend, in accepting and acknowledging the great sense of 
obligation I feel for this honor, to go into a prolonged political speech. 
I have but indicated two leading points which I think are involved in the 
pending election. It only remains for me to say to you that I recognize 
at its full worth — and its full worth is very great— the meaning of this 
assemblage. We have no union of Church and State, but we have 
proved that the Church is stronger without the State, and we have proved 
that no State can be strong without the Church. Let us go forward as 
we have gone, the State growing and strengthening by the example of -the 
Church, and the Church growing and strengthening by liberal co-opera- 
tion with all the great reforms which it is the immediate province of the 
Government to forward and improve. Gentlemen, I thank you again, 
and bid you a very cordial good-morning. 

Mr. Blaine was tjien greeted with three ringing cheers, 
and the Kev. Dr. McArthur called for and led in three 
equally hearty cheers for Mrs. Blaine. Mr. Blaine then 
descended to the foot of the stairs, and for some time 
remained, shaking hands with the clergymen who had vis- 
ited him. The exact number of clergymen present at the 
meeting cannot be stated. It is variously estimated at from 
200 to 1,000. Many were from other points, and were 
unknown here. 



Long before the hour appointed for the reception to Mr. 
Blaine given by the ladies of Brooklyn, October 30, the 
Academy of Music was crowded in every part, and people 
were going away, unable to get in. Although the occasion 
belonged peculiarly to women, there were many men present. 
The Kev. Dr. Behrens, the spokesman of the ladies, deliv- 
ered an address, portions of which were warmly applauded. 
When he introduced Mr. Blaine everybody in the house rose 
and cheered, and it is probable so large a number of hand- 
kerchiefs never before fluttered in the great hall. 

Mr. Blaine bowed repeatedly to the plaudits. Silence 
finally being restored, he said: 

Id the important National contest which now draws to a close, much 
of the progress of which I have personally witnessed, two things have 
especially impressed me — the influence exerted by the women of the 
United States, and that exerted by the young men [applause], and I do 
not know that I ought to divide these, for I attribute the great interest 
and activity of the young men largely to the influence of their mothers. 
[Applause.] The Republican party owes a great debt to the women of 
the United States. [Renewed applause.] Not a debt now maturing, but 
one which began at the very foundation of the party ; for the Hterature 
which sprang from the pen of woman did much — I was about to say did 
most — to concentrate that great army of freedom which in the conflict 
that came upon the country, destroyed the institution of slavery [great 
cheering], and I am sure that when the news came to me that I was 
selected for the important and responsible post in which I now stand, I 
received no greeting that meant more, or was more grateful to me, than 
the one which came to me from that lady whose gifted pen imparted 
spirit and soul to the anti-slavery agitation when she gave to the world 
" Uncle Tom's Cabin." [Prolonged applause and three cheers for Har- 
riet Beecher Stowe.] I do not feel, therefore, that the ladies of Brooklyn 
are taking any other step in this extraordinary welcome — which a grate- 
ful heart feels it impossible to respond to adequately in words — I do not 
feel that they are taking any new step or exerting any other influence 
than that which has been constantly exerted by women during the thirty 



most important years in the history of the United States in which the 
Kepubhcan party has led the National progress. [Renewed cheering.] 
I know the widespread influence that goes out from such a greeting as 
this. I know that, without suffrage, woman casts often the weightiest 
vote. [Applause.] I know that the great moral strength, showing itself 
constantly in political strength, with which the Republican party has 
been inspired for its struggles and its triumphs, has come from the 
gracious and pure influence of woman. [Great cheering.] I make, 
therefore, due and profound acknowledgment, not merely for the great 
significance of this occasion, but for its cordiality and for whatever of 
the personal compliment it may imply. But I should be vain indeed if I 
should take to myself any great part of that which means only an 
expression of sympathy and support in that great and commanding con- 
test in which, for the time, I am called to represent the best patriotism, 
the best heart, the best aspiration of the American Repubhc. 

After the ladies' reception, Mr. Blaine was driven to the 
residence of S. Y. White, where he dined. Other guests 
were there, including John Sherman, ex-Secretary of the 
Treasury, the E,ev. Edward Beecher, and Mayor Low. 

Mr. Blaine spoke to a crowded meeting in the same hall 
in the evening. As he entered, at 7 :50, he was received with 
wild applause, the entire audience rising, cheering, and 
waving hats and handkerchiefs. It was several minutes 
l^efore the applause subsided. When Mr. Blaine was for- 
mally introduced by Mr. Tenney, the enthusiasm broke out 
anew, and cheer after cheer, with several "tigers," were 
given. Mr. Blaine said: 

Citizens of Brooldyn: As I am to be followed by my distinguished 
friend. Senator Sherman of Ohio [applause], in a speech, I take it as my 
only duty of the evening to furnish the text [applause], and that text 
shall be a brief summary of the effects that are to follow from a con- 
tinuance of the Republican party in power. [Cheers.] What is to be 
assured? What is to be held firm? To begin with, the currency system 
of the United States, which was brought back to a par vnih gold by my 
distinguished friend, then the eminent Secretary of the Treasury, will be 
held at that point. [Great applause.] Second, that system of duties 
which affords encouragement and protection alike to the laborer and 
capitaKst in the United States, will be maintained. [Applause.] Third, 
a just system of settlement on the public lands [renewed applause], 
and the conservation of those lands for the benefit of actual settlers, will 
be upheld. [Great applause.] Fourth, that the munificent and magnifi- 
cent system of pensions which has rewarded the fortitude and the valor of 
our soldiers will be retained in honorable faith. And, fifth, that encour- 


aging improvement in the civil service of the United States will be con- 
tinued and further developed as experience shall point the way [applause], 
and in that connection I desire to say that the RepubUcan party, without 
speaking or intending to speak invidiously of any other party in the 
United States, past or present, is the only one that ever had the resolu- 
tion and the courage to limit its own political power. [Tremendous 
applause.] The Republican party did not gain power by the struggle for 
reform in the civil service; but, with the possession of a patronage larger 
and grander than imperial sway ever controlled, the party voluntarily 
abandoned the partisan control of patronage and initiated that great reform 
within its own ranks — an achievement without precedent and without par- 
allel in the history of pohtics [applause]; and what has been accomplished 
is but a foreshadowing of that which a more enlarged experience and fur- 
ther trial shall demonstrate to be wise, patriotic, and effective. And, lastly, 
those great amendments to the Constitution which are the embodiments 
of what was gained by the wi^r — the emancipation of the slave [great 
applause], the declaration and definition of the right of citizenship, the 
guarantee of the National credit by organic enactments, and that liberal 
basis of suffrage which forbids that it should stop at any line of color — 
all these will be maintained with patriotic fidelity. [Prolonged applause.] In 
other words, that great series of measures and of laws which was the out- 
growth of the civil struggle, and which embodied and preserved its best 
results, is safe in the hands of the Republican party. [Tremendous 
applause.] To place those laws under the domination of another party, 
if it did not destroy, would certainly, in the opinion of the most prudent, 
seriously imperil their usefulness, and, perhaps, their existence. 
[Applause.] These, briefly, are the attainments not merely promised but 
guaranteed by Republican success— a success that will embody as over 
all, and under all, and before all other issues fidelity to the union of the 
States and loyalty to the Constitution of our Government. [Prolonged 
cheering, again and again renewed.] 

From the Academy of Music Mr. Blaine and Gen. Fre- 
mont were driven to the Grand Opera House, where there 
was another great crowd outside and a very large audience 
inside. Upon Mr. Blaine's appearance there was a repetition 
on a smaller scale of the scene at the Academy. Being 
introduced by the Chairman of the evening, Mr. Blaine 
delivered the following speech: 

The Republican party had its origin in a combination of patriotic 
men thirty years ago to prevent the introduction of slavery into the Terri- 
tories of the United States. That battle, waged with persistence and 
courage, and resisted with a spirit of evil determination, finally culmi- 
nated in the election of Abraham Lincoln [cheers]; and resistance to his 
constitutional right to be President ended in a bloody war of four years' 


A party which began its existence by resisting slavery naturally and 
inevitably became the protector of free labor [great cheering], and, with 
the question of slavery definitely ended by the issue of the civil struggle, 
the party became the representative, the embodiment, of that industrial 
system which had for its end and its aim the encouragement of Ameri- 
can industry. [Enthusiastic cheering.] The step from relieving the 
black man from slave-labor was natural and easy to reHeving the white 
man from the degradation of that form of labor which reduces him to the 
fiervitude of poverty. [Renewed cheering.] Standing these many years 
as the advocate of the protective tariff [cheers], the results have been 
a great enlargement of our industrial activity, a vast addition to our 
National wealth, the encouragement and development of American manu- 
facturers, the elevation and better payment of every man who earns his 
bread by the sweat of his face. [Great cheering.] Thirty years of ejffort, 
twenty-four years of power, have certainly vindicated the claims of the 
Republican party to general and to National confidence [cheers], and the 
leading question now to be decided by the popular vote in all the States 
is whether that industrial system and that financial system which go 
hand in hand shall be superseded, and whether the experiment of free 
trade, with a possible change in our currency system, shall be resorted to 
b)y the voluntary consent of the American people. [" Never!" " Never!"] 
Certainly there is no man intelligent enough to reckon up his week's 
wages Saturday night who does not know that the only difference 
iDetween a day's pay for labor in the United States and a day's pay for 
labor in the British Isles is that which is produced by and results from 
the protective tariff. [Great and prolonged cheering.] So that the 
American laborer or mechanic who voluntarily casts his ballot for the 
elevation to power of a party committed to free trade casts his ballot for 
"the reduction of his own wages. [Enthusiastic cheering.] 

I desire to repeat here what I have said more than once elsewhere; 
that all the voluntary associations which laboring men and mechanics 
resort to in their trades-unions and like co-operative efforts — well enough, 
desirable in many respects as they are, meeting certainly with no word of 
criticism from me [applause] — are yet entirely ineffectual as a means of 
upholding the scale of American wages unless back of them there be that 
protection and support which come from the levying of duties on the 
scale embodied in the protective tariff. [" Good! " " Good!" and cheers.] 
Here at home the trades-unions may xjrotect you from the unjust exact- 
ions of an employer; but how, in an era of free trade, can it protect you 
from the importation of cheap fabrics from the Old World which must 
necessarily reduce your own, or probably compel the abandonment of the 
rival manufacturers in this country? So that what I desire to enforce 
and impress upon men of enterprise and men of prudence is, that their 
only safeguard is in upholding that industrial system which prevents 
ruinous competition in the fabrics they are making, and that financial 
system which, when a dollar is earned, enables it to be paid with 100 


cents [loud applause]; and it is the peculiar merit of the Republican 
party that, while from its hostility to slave-labor, with its natural conse- 
quence, protection to free labor, it has earned the right to the suffrage 
and support of the great industrial class, it has never done it in the 
demagogic spirit which seeks to arouse the prejudice of labor against the 
rights of capital. [Applause.] It has continually taught the wise doc- 
trine that capital and labor were friends, not enemies [renewed applause]; 
that in co-operation they can produce prosperity, but that in hostility 
they can produce only adversity. The Republican party has taken care 
that capital shall not encroach upon labor, and that labor shall be so 
protected that it shall have no cause of enmity to capital. [Prolonged 

Other issues, gentlemen, are involved in the great National contest 
of 1884, but here and now I dwell only upon this one; for, of all issues,, 
that must be held to be first which insures bread to the hungry and 
clothing to the naked. ["Good!" "Good!" and cheers.] That issue 
must be held to be first which insures to the industrious man a home 
with home comforts for his wife and his children [applause], and which 
gives to a population devoted to industry all the protection that can be 
offered or guaranteed by human law. [Loud and long continued applause 
and cheering.] 


From the Brooklyn Opera House Mr. Blaine was taken 
to a carriage and driven to Williamsburg, where, notwith- 
standing the rain, which still continued, the great open-air 
meeting had held its ground for two hours, waiting for IMr. 
Blaine, and when he appeared the enthusiasm was so great 
that for some time he could not get an opportunity to speak. 
When order was restored he said: 

Gentlemen: It evidently takes more than a heavy rainstorm ta 
dampen the ardor of Repubhcans this year [cheers], and the fact of your 
coming out an evening like this is the best possible proof of your enthusi- 
asm and your devotion to the Repubhcan cause. Let me briefly state 
that cause. It is the cause of well-paid American labor against the 
poorly-paid labor of the Old World. It is the cause of the men who need 
the succoring protection of the tariff [cheers], while they earn their bread 
in the sweat of their faces; it is the cause of the men who represent the 
bone and muscle and the sinew of this great Nation, and upon whose 
intelligent and well-directed labor the progress of the Republican party 
depends. [Renewed cheering.] The end and aim of all just law is that 
every man shall have a fair day's wages for a fair day's work [great 
cheering], and I call every man to witness that there never has been 


such a period of good wages in this country as during the time the 
Repubhcan party has been in power. [Cheers.] The reason of that is 
that the country has been blessed during the whole of that period of 
twenty-three years by the existence of a protective tariff. [Kenewed 
cheers.] Upon that record the Republican party stands, and if it fahs — 
and fall it will not — ["Never!" " Never!" and cheers] it will fall by that 
record and in that faith. The party had its origin in keeping slave labor 
out of the free territory [" Good! " '' Good! "], and that work would have 
been very incomplete if it had not been followed by such legislation as 
would secure good wages to every industrious man. [Applause.] That, 
my friends, is the leading issue in this campaign, and if I should detain 
you in this rainstorm for hours ["Goon"] I could not make it plainer 
than that. The cities of New York and Brooklyn, which in effect 
constitute one great commercial center, are regarded by the country at 
large as merely commercial, but the manufacturing industries of New 
York and Brooklyn are even larger than the commercial interests, and 
there are more men — more laboring men — in these two cities dependent 
upon manufacturers than are dependent upon commerce. Therefore 
it is that New York and Brooklyn, with their $600,000,000 of manufactured 
products every year, constitute the largest manufacturing center in the 
entire Union, and the largest manufacturing city in the world with the 
single exception of London. Consequently the protective tariff is of 
larger interest to the cities of New York and Brooklyn conjoined than to 
any other single point in the United States, and it is upon that basis and 
standing, upon that principle that the Repubhcan party presents that 
issue to you as one primarily of interest, secondarily of interest, and 
lastly and above all, of interest to the manufacturer and the laboring 
man. [Great applause.] Gentlemen, I only came here to see you, not 
to make a speech. [Cries of " Go on."] Only one word more. Along 
with the great industrial system which the Repubhcan party has estab- 
lished is the financial system which has secured a good currency to the 
country; so that when any man receives a dollar he is assured that it 
contains 100 cents. [Cheers.] With the old State banks, you remember, 
when a man got a dollar he did not know how many cents he had in it 
[laughter], and the currency of the United States, either the greenback 
or the dollar of the National bank, is so absolutely accepted at its face 
value that it is good not only in every State in the Union, but around 
the entire circling globe, and passes current in every money market in 
Europe. [Applause.] It is something when a man has earned his wages 
that he gets paid in good money, and it is the proud boast of the Repub- 
hcan party that it has not only secured the development of the largest 
industrial interests of the country, but has provided that every laborer in 
the land shall be paid in honest and good money for his daily work. 
[Great cheering.] The rainstorm, gentlemen, is harder upon you [cries 
of "Oh, no!" "Go on!"] than it is upon me, and I must bid you good- 



Oct. 31st, there was a grand parade in honor of Mr. Blaine 
in New York, which was a magnificent success in spite of the 
weather. Never was so large and imposing a demonstration 
witnessed in New York. Every district in the city was repre- 
sented by one or more clubs, and there were organizations in 
the line from Brooklyn, Albany, Philadelphia, Newark, and 
other places. It is estimated that 60,000 men marched. Never 
before was there such an outpouring of spectators or such a 
general contribution of marching men from every organ iza- 
tion that had been called upon for its quota. And as " a 
spectacle pleasing to the eye and inspiring to the soul " it 
may be doubted whether anything in the hottest war times 
equaled it. In point of numbers gathered to look on, in the 
character of the different divisions that made up the pro- 
cession, and in the enthusiasm, which was shared equally 
between the paraders and observers, the demonstration was 
without parallel in the history of the metropolis. 

At 4 o'clock Mr. Blaine addressed a meeting of busi- 
ness men in Chickering Hall. Senator Sherman had pre- 
ceded him. He said: 

Business Men of New York : I deem it an honor to follow Senator 
Sherman. [Applause.] I deem it an especial honor to follow Secretary 
Sherman [applause]; for I can say that in our financial history he takes 
rank among the really illustrious men who have administered the 
Treasury Department of the United States. [Eenewed applause.] It 
was the good fortune of Mr. Hamilton to organize that department with 
his masterly ability, and to place the credit of the young Eepubhc upon 
an enduring basis. It was the good fortune of Alexander J. Dallas to 
carry the finances of the Government through the embarrassments result- 
ing from the war of 1812. It was the good fortune of AVilHam H. Craw- 
ford, after the great depression that followed our victorious struggle, to 
revive the national credit by the protective tariff of 1824. [Applause.] 
It was the good fortune of Thomas Ewing, after the great Whig victory 
of 1840, to initiate those measures which gave us the protective tariff of 
1862. It was the good fortune of Salmon P. Chase [applause] to carry the 
Government through all the extraordinary crises which were precipitated 
by the Civil War. And it was the good fortune of a third eminent citizen 
of Ohio, John Sherman [applause] to lead the Nation back to the sound 


"basis of specie payment [renewed applause], and it was singularly happy 
in the career of Mr. Sherman that in the legislative department he was 
permitted to shape the Resumption act and in the executive department 
to administer its provisions and carry it to successful issue. [Applause.] 
That Resumption act is a continuing blessing and benefit to this country. 
[Loud applause.] It has placed the Government finances and the finances 
of the people upon a stable foundation, and I am sure that, from the 
brief historic review I have ventured to submit, the transition is easy to 
ihe duty of the people in the impending National contest. If the 
Resumption act and the great series of financial measures of which it was 
the fitting climax be a benefit to the business men of the country should 
certainly be given to the party which originated and enforced that legis- 
lation. [Prolonged applause.] 

There is no need for me, before the business men of New York, to 
supplement the argument which I am sure Mr. Sherman has made com- 
plete, and I should hardly have dared to give myself the pleasure of 
appearing here but for my desire to testify in this great metropolis of the 
Union my appreciation of your distinguished guest's services. [Ap- 
plause.] And while I am here I may be permitted to add that not alone 
in the financial and business departments of legislation, which interest 
every man, but in all the great avenues of life, in all that relates to the 
career of a great people, the twenty-three years during which the Repub- 
lican party has been in power are certainly distinguished beyond any 
equal period in our history, saving and excepting alone the immortal 
period which gave us our independence and our Constitution. [Great 
applause.] At no time, certainly, have the educational interests of the 
people been so greatly and so rapidly advanced. [Applause.] At no time 
have the spirit of humanity and the benevolence of the people been so 
generously developed as during that period. [Applause.] At no time, 
certainly, has Christian charity made so marked an advance as during 
the period in which the RepubHcan party has administered the Govern- 
ment. [Applause.] At no time within the memory of any one who does 
me the honor to hear me has there been so little bigotry in the country as 
there is to-day. [" Good! " " Good!" and applause.] At no previous time 
has there been an occasion of great public interest relating to the fate of 
the Government in which, upon the same platform and for the same 
patriotic end, has there been such cordial and hearty co-operation as 
there now is among the great religious denominations, Protestant, 
Catholic and Hebrew. [Great and prolonged applause.] Certainly that 
is the great consummation which a Republic, pledged to civil and 
religious liberty, should aim at, and it* will remain the lasting glory of 
the Republican party that that consummation has been achieved during 
its broad and wise and liberal administration of the National Govern- 
ment. [Great applause, again and again renewed.] 

When Mr. Blaine sat down, there were calls for Mr. 


Evarts, who responded in a short and humorous speech. 
Then Gen. Fremont was called out and spoke briefly. From 
the hall Mr. Blaine returned directly to the hotel, where he 
received callers. 

Mr. William M. Evarts followed Mr. Blaine in a brief 
address, reviewing many of the measures for the good of 
the country which the Democratic party had refused to- 
assist in enacting. 

Babbi Browne was then introduced, and, after sayings 
the three greatest men of the Nation had spoken before 
him, excused himself from making a speech, and gave the 
Hebrew blessing in Hebrew and English. 

With one accord the audience then made a rush for the 
platform, and for fifteen minutes at least Mr. Blaine was 
surrounded by an eager and enthusiastic crowd pressing 
forward for the honor of shaking him by the hand. At 
last he made his way to the door leading from the platform, 
and as soon as he had gone the remainder of the audience 
followed his example. 


Mr. Blaine made the following address during his brief 
stay in New Haven, November 1: 

There has been placed in my hands since my arrival in New Haven 
an address from the clergymen of this city expressing their respect and 
confidence, and, through the person who delivered it, the assurance that 
in matters of pubhc right and in matters of public participation under 
the laws and Constitution of the United States they know no sect; they 
know no Protestant, no Catholic, no Hebrew, but the equahty of all. 
["Good!" and cheers.] In the city of Hartford I had a letter put into 
my hands asking me why I charged the Democratic party with being 
inspired by rum, Romanism and rebellion. [A voice, " You never said 
that."] My answer, in the first place, is that they put in my mouth an 
unfortunate expression of another man; and, in the next place, it gives 
me an opportunity to say, at the close of the campaign, that in public 
speeches which I have made I have refrained carefully and instinctively 
from making any disrespectful allusion to the Democratic party. I differ 
from that party profoundly on matters of principle, but I have too much 
respect for the mi llions of my countrymen whom it embraces to assail it 
with epithets or abuse. [''Good!" "Good!" and cheers.] In the next 
place, I am sure that I am the last man in the United States who would 
make a disrespectful allusion to another man's religion. The United 
States guarantees freedom of rehgious opinion, and before the law and 
under the Constitution the Protestant, and the Catholic and the Hebrew 
stand entitled to absolutely the same recognition and the same protec- 
tion [loud cheering]; and if disrespectful allusion is here to be made 
against the rehgion of any man, as I have said, I am the last man to 
make it, for, though Protestant by conviction and connected with a 
Protestant church, I should esteem myself of all men the most degraded 
if, under any pressure or under any temptation, I could in any presence 
make a disrespectful allusion to that ancient faith in which my mother 
lived and died. [Enthusiastic and long continued cheering. J 

The question now before the people of the United States is not a 
religious one. The question to be settled in this election is one that 
comes home to the door-sill and the fireside of every American citizen. 
We have enjoyed in this country for the last twenty-three years the 
advantage of a protective tariff. There is not a man within the sound of 
my voice, there is not a man in Connecticut, there is not a man in New 



England, there is not a man in the United States, who is not directly or 
indirectly interested in the protective tariff. [Cheers.] I see before me a 
large assemblage, including, doubtless, many who earn their bread in the 
sweat of their faces, and to whom the daily wages of labor is a matter 
of great importance. I beg to remind them that the only agency which 
secures them higher wages for their labor than a man in the British Isles 
receives for the same labor, is the protective tariff. [Cheers.] When I 
look abroad in the State, and when I examine your statistics, I find that 
Connecticut has doubled its wealth in the last twenty years, and I sub- 
mit that that rapid ratio of increase in thrift, independence and progress 
is a direct result of the protective tariff. [Loud cheering.] So that every 
man, whether he be a capitalist or laborer, whether he be manufacturer 
or operative, finds that the question of protecting American industry 
enters into the warp and woof of his daily life. The Republican party is 
nothing if it is not protective; it is a cardinal doctrine in the creed of the 
Republican party that a protective tariff shall be maintained [cheers], 
audit has been the invariable practice of the Democratic party in Con- 
gress for more than fifty years past to oppose the policy of protection. 
Times have been dull for some months past. "Why? Clearly because of 
the uncertainty created in the business world by the agitation in Con- 
gress last winter of the tariff question, and the fact that the Democratic 
party came within two votes of destroying the protective tariff. Is there 
any man who doubts that, with the free-trade theories of the Democrats, 
if they were elevated to power the protective tariff would be destroyed? 
If any man doubts that he doubts his senses; he denies the record; he 
will not listen to plain facts. The omens in the present contest are to 
be spoken of by you, not by me; but there are one or two things con- 
nected with it which I beg to refer to. I beg especially to refer to the 
fact that, in a larger degree than in any other campaign of which I have 
personal knowledge, the Republican party has the inestimable advantage 
of the sympathy and support of the great mass of the young men of the 
country [cheers], and the young men carry with them strength, confi- 
dence, the power to bear burdens, and the power to give encouragement 
io others. The Republican party began its existence thirty years ago 
with the support of the young men. Twenty-eight years ago before 
many who now hear me knew anything of political contests, that party 
entered the field for the first time in. a National struggle. It selected a 
young man for its leader; it selected a man in his forty-third year — the 
same age at which Washington was intrusted with the command of the 
Continental Army — a young man of great zeal, of great intelligence, and 
of a career so heroic that it partook largely of romance. Under his 
leadership the Republican party, in its very first National contest, 
alarmed if it did not defeat our opponents. Since then twenty-eight 
years have been added to his age, bringing it up to the psalmist's limit 
— threescore years and ten; but he is stiU fresh and vigorous in body and 
in mind, still warm in his support of the Repubhcan party, and it is my 


especial pleasure to-day that I can, as I now do, introduce to you Gen. 
John 0. Fremont. [Prolonged cheering.] 


A round o£ cheers greeted Mr. Blaine as he appeared on 
tlie platform at Hartford. Gen. Hawley made a brief wel~ 
coming address. Mr. Blaine spoke as follows: 

People of that splendid section of the State of Ohio which was 
anciently the colony of Connecticut, commissioned me by their vote in 
October to bear to the mother State, in whose capital I now stand, the 
assurance of their loyalty to New England teachings and to New England 
principles. [Choers.] I am here to-day to receive from you the assurance 
that the mother State herself is prepared to prove her fidelity to her own 
history and her own example. [Kenewed cheers.] If there be any State 
in the Union profoundly interested in the industrial and financial systems 
of the United States, as those systems exist to-day, Connecticut is that 
State, for her marvelous industries have been built up under the in- 
fluence of a protective tariff, and her great financial center, from which 
radiate influences co-extensive with the Union, has received in full 
measure the benefit atid blessings of the great financial system which the 
Eepublican party has given to this country. [Cheers.] The National 
canvass, now so near its close, concerns, in the wide sweep of the great 
issues it involves, every man, woman, and child in the land. There is 
not an industry that will not be affected by its decision. There is not a 
paper dollar whose value will not be changed by a wrong decision. The 
industrial system and the financial system, under which our great 
National progress has been achieved during the last twenty-three years, 
are pecuharly the work of the Eepublican party, for at every step in their 
enactment they were resisted by the Democratic party. Have the voters 
of Connecticut stopped to reflect what would be the influence upon their 
State if there was such a change in the tariff as the Democratic party in 
Congress came within two votes of effecting last winter? Have the 
voters of Connecticut stopped to think what would be the effect of an 
abandonment of the present currency system of the United States, 
which would certainly follow if the Democratic party should come into 
power? That currency system as it stands to-day is certainly the most 
remarkable in the financial history of the world. [Cheers.] The green- 
back circulation of between three and four hundred millions is held 
steadily at par with gold by the readiness of the Government, with its 
surplus coin in the Treasury, to redeem every cent on presentation, by 
exchanging a gold dollar for a paper dollar, while the National banks 
stand ready to pay over their counters for their bills either the coin or the 
greenback note which is immediately convertible into coin. 

The only suggestion which has come from the Democratic party 
during this campaign directly bearing on this important question is the- 
continually repeated declaration of Mr. Hendricks, the Democratic candi- 


date for Vice-President, that the first measure of his party, if elected to 
power, would be to get rid of the suri)lus held in the vaults of the Treas- 
ury for the purpose which I have indicated. [Groans.] There is not a 
man in the United States who has given the slightest study to our exist- 
ing financial system who does not know that if Mr. Hendricks' recom- 
mendation should be adopted the Government would be unable to redeem 
the greenback in coin, and the National bank system would be fatally 
impaired. Mr. Hendricks would frankly admit (for he is a frank gentle- 
man) that he is not a friend to the National banking system, and that, as 
a member of the Senate of the United States, he opposed legislation which 
favored that system. Perhaps one of the first measures of the State- 
rights Democracy, if given control of the Government, would be to restore 
to the States the power to establish State banks. We are justified in this 
assumption by the arguments of the Democrats in Congress for twenty 
years past, and by their ceaseless hostility to the National banking system. 

In this connection let me remind you that when Abraham Lincoln was 
elected there were nearly 800 broken State banks in the Union whose suc- 
cessive failures had cost the people annually 5 per cent, of the total paper 
circulation of the country, and had involved during the last twenty years 
of Democratic rule in this country a total loss to the people of i$200,000,000. 
If you place this ominous fact against the experience of the last twenty 
years of our history, during which no man has lost a single dollar by the 
circulation of the National banks, you will find, I think, a conclusive 
argument in favor of maintaining our present financial system. [Cheers.] 

Before an audience of this character these facts do not require argu- 
ment or illustration. I content myself with stating them to you, and bid 
you, with many thanks for your generous reception, a cordial good-by. 

At South Norwalk, Conn., the same day there was a great 
gathering. Mr. Blaine said: 

This is one of the Connecticut towns that might well be cited as 
an illustration of what American industry can do under the stimulus of 
protective laws. I understand your population to be about 15,000, and 
the value of the products about .1^15,000,000 per year. I am sure that very 
few communities on this side of the Atlantic or the other can show a ratio 
between pojjulation and x^roduction- more favorable than that. Your 
town, too, has an enviable record in war as well as in peace, for, accord- 
ing to the eminent historian, George Bancroft, your ancestors sent more 
soldiers to take part in the revolutionary struggle than any other town 
in New England [cheers], so that you were good at fighting when that 
was in order, and you were good at working when that became your 
necessity. When a community is good both in war and in peace it has 
established its reputation, and may well claim recognition as among the 
best peojjle of the earth. 



A meeting held the same evening in the Academy of 
Music, New York, under the auspices of the Columbia Col- 
lege Blaine and Logan Campaign Club, may be ranked as one 
of the greatest of the many great successes of the Eepub- 
lican campaign, and reflects much credit upon the Columbia 
students, by whom it was organized. On the stage were 
many men distinguished in literary, scientific, and commer- 
cial circles — all there to testify their loyalty to the Kepub- 
lican cause and the standard-bearers. The first two rows of 
seats on the stage were reserved for the Secretaries and Vice- 
Presidents of the meeting. The list included Judge William 
Mitchell, Prof. William S. Beck, the Eev. Dr. William P. 
Williams, Prof. Charles F. Chandler, John Joy, Prof. Charles 
L. Short, John Jacob Astor, Prof. J. S. Newbury, Kobert L. 
Comming, Prof. Benjamin A. Lee, John A. Stewart, William 
Walter Phelps, George Peabody Wetmore, George P. Fear- 
ing, James F. Ruggles, Julian T. Davies, Kobert C. Living- 
ston, Hamilton Fish, Jr., Robert L. Belkay, J. H. Work, 
Arthur D. Weeks, Jasper T. Goodwin, J. Murray Mitchell, 
James M. Varuvue, Richard L. Sweezey, William A. Durr, 
John C. O' Conner, Jr., Stuyvesant Fish, Thomas S. Ormiston, 
Jr., Hoffman Miller, JefPerson Seligman, Frederick Potts, Jr., 
and Herbert L. Satterbee. This is what Mr. Blaine said: 

I account it a happy circumstance, Mr. President, that the political 
campaign of 1884 in the metropolis of the Union closes with the demon- 
strative enthusiasm of the men of education ["Hear!" "Hear!" and 
apxjlausej, for I think you will agree with me that many of our political 
contests have lacked that element in the foreground, only to find it 
lamenting and complaining in the afterground. ["Good!" "Good!" and 
applause.] I am sure it will be well for political contests in the United 
States and for the conduct of the Government, if graduates of colleges 
and men of rank in the professions shall deem it not merely a privilege 
but a duty to cast their influence and their active effort on that side of 
the scale which they believe should be weightiest in determining the final 
results of political struggles [applause], and I hope that Columbia Col- 
lege, honored in its founders, honored in its history, honored in the emi- 
nence of its great names, shall lead the way in the much-needed reform 
in the political contests in the United States ["Good," and cheers]; and 
when sneering allusions are made to the service in the i>opular branch of 
Congress, I want the college graduates to remember that one of the most 


distinguished Presidents of the United States conceived it to be an honor 
to dedicate the seventeen most illustrious years of an illustrious life to 
that service. [Applause.] I want them to remember that that President 
whose Administration so knit together the American people that his 
re-election was unopposed did not conceive it to be beneath the dignity 
of his great character nor inconsistent with his high position to serve as 
a Justice of the Peace in the Virginia county of which he was a native 
and a resident. [Enthusiastic applause.] As long as men of social and 
intellectual position think it beneath them to take part in what are so 
often called political squabbles, they contribute to make them squabbles. 
["Good!" *'Good!" and loud applause.] It is in their power to raise 
them to the dignity of contests involving great principles and touching^ 
at every point the fate and fortune of the Nation. I therefore confess, Mr» 
Chairman — and to no one would I make the confession more gladly than 
to him who has been the able instructor of so many of the promising 
youth of this country, and whose whole life is a splendid example of the 
man who makes conscientious use of the education wherewith he has 
been endowed— I confess that, standing on the eve of a great National 
contest in which I am supposed to be personally interested [great cheer- 
ing] — but in which, as a matter of fact, I have no other or deeper interest 
than you [renewed cheering] — I confess that I feel proud and honored to- 
stand before this audience on this occasion, appreciating, as I think I do,, 
its present significance, and, as I hope, its far-reaching influence.. 
[Applause.] If office, high or low, be taken as a personal gift, or viewed 
as a mere personal promotion, it is lowered in its character and takes its 
place with the lottery prizes of life; but if it be held, as it should be 
held, as a trust, the bestowment of which is free and unsought, then, 
indeed, is the honor great. [Prolonged applause.] 

I did not come here to-night, Mr. Chairman, to argue the issues of 
the National campaign. That more properly belongs to others; and if it 
belonged properly to me I should say it were late in the canvass to do it. 
But I will not refrain from calling a mention to the fact, as a letter of 
credit to the Eepublican party, that all the great reforms it has wrought 
have been initiated and conducted to a successful conclusion after it had 
acquired power, and not as a means of acquiring power. [Great applause.] 

In the matter of a sound currency, which lies at the very foundation of 
commercial integrity, there were adverse influences — the most powerful 
indeed that could be combined. The speculative interests of the country,, 
not only in its metropolis, but extending to its utmost verge, were in favor 
of an expanded paper currency without regard to its coin value; and pos- 
sibly, certainly in the judgment of those who were esteemed wise in 
political management, the cause of the Republican party at the tima 
required nerve and determination in imposing upon the business of th& 
country what was regarded as the hard exaction of a resumption of specie- 
payment; but the Republican party saw its duty and walked in it, believ- 
ing all the while that godHness would be a great gain. [Applause.] Still 


more significant, from the foundation of the Government until the Repub- 
lican party was in control of it, in every branch of the Federal Adminis- 
tration a reform in the civil service has been talked about and urged by 
the opposition, but never had the party — in possessing the conscious 
power which comes from the wielding of great patronage — never had the 
party in possession taken a step toward denuding itself of the vicious 
influences that follow from the use of political patronage. The Repub- 
lican party, however, in full power, disbursing a revenue of $3,000,000,000 
per annum — a miUion dollars for every secular day — and commanding the 
overwilling service of a hundred thousand officials ready to do the bid- 
ding of the National Administration — -with these agencies and instrumen- 
talities at command the Republican party took the important and extra- 
ordinary step of saying if it was to continue in power it would do so by 
free will of the people and not by the influence of patronage used for 
partisan purposes. [Great cheering.] 

Mr. Chairman, I believe that the party can be trusted. [Applause.] 
I believe that the welfare of the Nation demands that it should be trusted 
[renewed applause], and I have come here to-night to express my great 
gratification that such an assemblage as this of the people of the great 
commercial city of the Union believe with me. [" We do ! " and applause.] 
U pon that belief I congratulate you, and for your kindly answer to my 
brief presentation of the principles involved, I tender you my heartfelt 
thanks and bid you good-night. [Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.] 



Mr. Blaine, accompanied by the members of his family^ 
Miss M. A. Dodge, Senator Hale, and Mr. and Mrs. Mann 
of Augusta, left New York, November 3rd, on the regular 9 
o'clock train for bpringfield, homeward bound. 

At Springfield there were fully 20,000 persons on the 
streets through which the procession passed, and in the pub- 
lic square where the stand was erected. Mr. Blaine was 
introduced by Col. Metcalfe of Springfield, and was loudly 
cheered. He congratulated the people upon so large and 
demonstrative a manifestation of the Republican strength of 
Massachusetts. Being somewhat hoarse, Mr. Blaine excused 
himself from speaking further, and gave way, as he said, to 
some one whose voice could reach the great crowd. There 
were calls for Gov. Robinson, but he did not respond. Sena- 
tor Hale was introduced, and made a few remarks, saying 
that, if Mr. Blaine could not be widely heard to-day, he 
could be felt. This was received with loud cheering. 
When Mr. Blaine and his party returned to the train they 
were joined by Senator Hoar and A. W. Beard of Boston. 

On his arrival at Worcester, Mr. Blaine was escorted 
to a stand erected near the track, and. introduced by Senator 
Hoar. Mr. Blaine spoke as follows: 

I never more sincerely regretted the impairment of my voice than at 
this moment, that I might make a fitting response to the most cordial and 
most eloquent greeting which your distinguished Chairman has given me. 
I crave the power of expression that I might say to him, in the presence 
of a Worcester audience, that his presentations of the people's cause in 
this campaign constitute the political Hterature of 1884. He knows 
better than you know how profoundly I thank him, and I know better 
than he knows the full reason I have for gratitude. This campaign is 



over, with all that has been pleasant in it; with all that has been unpleas- 
ant; with all that has been important; with all that has been unimportant; 
it closes to-day, and, even though it might sound like the voice of egotism, 
I am proud to declare here, in the heart of the Commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts, that not once in a single instance has any poisoned shaft 
reached me here (laying his hand over his heart), and I return to my 
home not with a less but a greater appreciation of the grandeur, the 
nobility, and the justice of the American people. To that people, of which 
Massachusetts forms so distinguished and so honorable a part, I sub- 
mit, with the cause I am called to represent, whatever of personal fortune 
I have at stake, calmly, without anxiety, and with an abundant readiness 
to accept with cheerfulness whatever may be the verdict of the great 
popular tribunal. [Cheers.] 

At Natick there was a very large crowd, one section of 
which was composed of Butler men, who cheered repeatedly 
for their candidate. Blaine spoke briefly to the people 
nearest him, expressing regret that he conld not utter with 
a full voice his thanks to the Republicans of Massachusetts 
for their vigorous and, as he hoped, victorious compaign. 
[ Cheers. ] 

The crowd at Newton was immense. Mr. Blaine was 
escorted to a large platform near the depot and introduced, 
but just as he was about to speak the platform broke down. 
For a minute or two there was a good deal of excitement, 
but Mr, Blaine sprang upon the platform and exclaimed: 
"There is always enough left of a Republican platform to 
stand upon." This reassured the crowd, and Mr. Blaine 
went on to say that he was consoled for the bad condition of 
his voice by the reflection that the time for discussion was 
past. The verdict to be rendered on the morrow, he awaited 
calmly and with a reasonable degree of confidence. [Cheers. J 


At a dinner given to Mr. Blaine the same evening at the 
Hotel Brunswick, Boston, there were more than 200 guests. 
Among the prominent gentlemen were: E. R. Hoar, A. AV. 
Beard, R. Worthington, E. McPherson, C. A. Bartol, J. W. 
Chandler, P. R. Bishop, and G. A. Marsden. It was about 


8 o'clock wlien Henry Cabot Loilge, who presided, called the 
company to order. When Mi* Blaine rose to respond he 
was heartily cheered. When order was restored he said : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : For reasons which I need not stop 
to detail a reception of this character in the city of Boston at the close 
of the National campaign is pecuHarly grateful to me, and I thank Mr. 
Lodge for giving me the opportunity to thank you. [Applause.] It is 
too late to argue or even to state the great issues involved in the canvass 
which closes to-night, but I am sure that those issues constitute a differ- 
ence between parties so broad and so deep that their decision one way 
or the other will affect for weal or woe the history of the United States for 
many years to come. [Applause.] I am sure that the great constitu- 
tional amendments which have grown out of the civil struggle and which 
have in so many respects, I might say, changed the very frame-work of 
our Government, have been made by the BepubUcan party, and are now 
in its keeping, and, as I have frequently said elsewhere I here now repeat, 
that to transfer the pohtical power of the country to the Democratic party 
at this time would by no means be one of those ordinary transfers of the 
Government from one party to another which the grey-haired men within 
my view witnessed many years ago. It would not be merely a case of 
one party going out and another coming in. 

It would be rather a reversal and overturning of the great organic 
changes in the Government, of the great industrial systems, of the great 
financial systems, and it would be a transfer of the sovereignty of the 
country far more vital and far-reaching than any of the ordinary 
changes of dynasty which occur in those European Governments of a 
different form from ours. And I close this canvass, in which I have had 
some active participation, with a profound conviction that intelligent as 
the voters of the United States are — and I am certainly addressing some 
of the most intelligent of them — that, intelligent as the mass of voters 
are, accustomed as they are to give heed to the weight and tendency of 
the questions to be decided, the people of the United States have not yet 
measured, nor, as I believe, yet fully comprehended, what it would mean 
to transfer this Government to the absolute control of the Southern 
States of this Union. 

Nor do I here and now stop to give my own idea of what such a 
change would mean. It were out of place. I should refrain for the 
additional reason that anything I might now say would be too late to influ- 
ence popular judgment in any direction, and for the third reason that in 
BO far as my own voice could reach and influence the just judgment of 
the people of the United States I have exerted it very freely. I have 
never offered any apology or explanation for taking what some of my 
closest friends regarded as an extraordinary step in going before the peo- 
ple somewhat more freely and extendedly than has been the habit of those 
chosen as the Presidential candidates of great parties, but I will now say 


that I did it — and I desire to put this on record — I did it because I 
thought that the peculiar character of the canvass was my personal justi- 
fication for doing it. I am a profound believer in a popular goverimient, 
and I know no reason why I should not face the American people. I did 
it, too, for the more specific reason that I beUeved there was danger of 
the great leading questions which related to the industrial and protective 
system of America being partially or perhaps wholly excluded from that 
consideration by the people which its merits deserved, and, intrusted as I 
was with the great function of representing you and all members of the 
Republican party, I felt that I would in an especial degree myself obtain 
a hearing. 

I have returned somewhat weary, somewhat broken in voice, as your 
ears have already detected, but I have returned with even a more pro- 
found belief than I had in the judgment, in the fairness, in the impartiaUty 
in the generosity of the great mass of American citizenship, and I go to 
my home to-morrow not without a strong confidence in the result of a 
ballot, but with a heart that shall not in the least degree be troubled by 
any verdict that may be returned by the great American people, for I 
have in my entire canvass unconsciously and completely lost sight of 
myself and of whatever personal fortune I have at stake in a far greater, 
and far grander, aad far more enduring issue which for the time I was sub- 
mitting to popular judgment. [Cheers.] 

From the dinner table Mr. Blaine went to review a 
grand torchlight procession, which he did from the balcony 
of the hotel. 

The speech at the Boston Banquet was the closing one 
of the campaign. 


At a mass-meeting held at Dayton, O., Oct. 5, Gen. 
Logan made an exceedingly vigorous speech. After refer- 
ring to the need of protection and the people's resolve to 
have a free ballot and a fair count, he said: 

One word to the old soldiers. [Cries of " Good, good!"] There are 
a great many soldiers in Ohio who served under me during the war. 
["Hear, hear!"] I had some thirty regiments from your State in my 
command. To-day I met many of the old corps and of the Army of the 
Tennessee, which I commanded in the latter part of the TCar. Now, I 
ask you this question, as soldiers: While you were fighting to support and 
maintain this Government and to again unite the States as one whole, 
tell me what single act of the Democratic party, as a party, was in accord 
with what you were doing? [Cries of " Not one! Not one! "] What have 
the Democrats done since to show you that they were in accord mth you 
when you were batthng for this country? Now, then, if that is true, 
what is there in the Democratic party that should induce any man who 
was a faithful and honest soldier to vote the Democratic ticket? [Cries 
of " Nothing."] Of course there are many that do it, but I would like 
some one to give a single good reason why a soldier should vote the 
Democratic ticket. [A voice: "They don't understand the record of the 
Democratic party."] There are a great many soldiers here who live at 
the Soldiers' Home. Now, you are told that the Democratic party has 
done great things for you. I don't propose to discuss what the Demo- 
cratic party has done, for I have never found them willing to do anything 
that the Republican party was for. But I tell you this : The home that 
is given you by the Government was in its inception and carrying out a 
Republican measure. [Loud cheers.] The same is true of all the homes. 
A voice : " Mr. Blaine helped to pass the first bill."] I want to say another 
word to you men, and I say it because it comes from my heart. You 
have, as the candidate for Secretary of State, the head of your ticket, as 
gallant an old soldier as ever flashed a blade in the sunlight when battle 
was raging. His head is silvered with the frosts of many winters. Like 
many of you, he lay on the battle field at dead of night with a hole 
through his body, made by lead purchased in England, from a gun 
bought by the Democrats in England, and fired by a Rebel. Now, I ask 
you as good citizens and loyal and true men — men who sustained their 



Oovernment in its most terrible trial and in its darkest hours — I ask you 
what there is in the Democracy that should lead a soldier to vote against 
old Gen. Kobinson for Secretary of State of Ohio? 

My comrades, I have no appeals to make, except where a man like 
that heads your State ticket, and there is a Democrat against him who 
was not your friend in the hour of your distress. I ask you as honest men 
not to forfeit the honor that you have won with glory that shines around 
your heads; that name which many of you purchased with your blood, 
and that bright star which shines in the constellation of freedom, placed 
there by the hands of Republicans, never to do an act that will put out 
the light or will obscure it in the slightest degree. So, then, when you 
touch elbows with your comrades or with citizens say to them, " The 
hour of peace has come, but the song of joy will gladden my heart, and I 
march with the old heroes to triumph," so that when the sun shall set the 
16th of this month it shall not, when it goes down, take with it the knowl- 
edge that the old gallant soldier of this State has been repudiated, and 
that he must go with gloom and sorrow to his retirement from political 

My countrymen, I appeal to you. The 14th of October will settle 
many questions. Ohio stands to-day where she can point out the path- 
way of glory and progress in this land. Ohio stands hke the finger of 
time. It can point along the path of prosperity and the broad road of 
civilization that we are treading along. It can point to wholesome laws 
demanded by this people. It can point to twenty years more to come of 
good government. I ask you whether you will turn the finger-board 
around, or whether you will let it point where it has always pointed in 
Presidential elections during the last twenty-four years? [Enthusiastic 

Further on Gen. Logan said : 

I want to see the time come in this country when every citizen can 
go freely and voluntarily to the polls and vote for whom he pleases. 
[Cries of " You're right."] This Republic was built upon the theory that 
the will of the people governed — in other words, that the Government 
ehould be controlled by the majority of its voters, and that their lawful 
voice should be expressed through the ballot-box. Now, if you will to- 
morrow allow the people of the Northern and Southern States to cast 
their votes voluntarily, the Democratic party could not to-night be 
assured of carrying seven States of this Union, and the only way they 
can hope of carrying the coTintry is by adding a few Northern votes to 
the sohd South. Now I would ask any intelligent man to say whether 
or not Mississippi is a Democratic State on a free ballot and a fair count. 
[Cries of "No! No!"] There are 600,000 colored people and only 
400,000 white people, and one-third of the white citizens are RepubUcans. 
Will any man tell me that that is a Democratic State? And yet the 
Democrats carry it by 30,000 or 40,000 majority. How do they do it? By 


refusing to allow a certain class of citizens to vote. Now, take South 
Carolina. That State has nearly double the number of colored x>eople 
that it has white, and there is a large percentage of white Republicans, 
and yet South Carolina goes Democratic by 30,000 or 40,000, and they 
might just as well make the majority 75,000 as 1,000. 


The morning of September 30th clouds and rain brought 
disappointment to many people in Warren, but notwith- 
standing the threatening weather the trains to the city- 
brought large crowds and numerous Blaine and Logan Clubs 
from all the neighboring towns and surrounding country. 
By the time Gen. Logan arrived the rain had ceased and the 
clouds were breaking up. From this time on the crowds on 
the streets increased very rapidly. Gen. Logan was met at 
the depot by the Eeception Committee and escorted to the 
residence of Judge Taylor, whose guest he was while in 
the city. As he dismounted from Mr. C. H. Andrews' pri- 
vate car and made his way to a carriage he was greeted with 
a perfect storm of cheers, and wherever his carriage appeared 
along the street from the depot to Judge Taylor's residence 
he was greeted with continued cheers. The city was a perfect 
mass of decorations — flags, banners and mottoes appear in 
every available place. The most remarkable decoration was a 
Blaine and Logan streamer over 100 feet in length stretched 
along the front of the buildings on the south side of Market 
street from Main to Park avenue, representing about forty 
<joncerns, every one of which was solidly Kepublican. 

Mrs. Logan arrived at Warren on the 7:05 train, and was 
met by Judge Taylor. 

The weather was not good, but in spite of all the meeting 
was a great success. About noon the clouds cleared away. 
The trains that were run especially for the demonstration 
from all the counties around were filled to overflowing with 
enthusiastic soldiers who knew Logan for his fellowship in 
camp, and Kepublicans who admired him for abilities in the 
legislative hall. The procession was not as large as some 
that have marched in honor of the Black Eagle of Illinois, 
but in point of display it was behind none. Col. H. G. 


Stratton was Chief Marshal, and leading in carriages were 
Gen. Logan, Mayor Ward, the Hon. H. B. Perkins and the 
Hon. G. S. Townsend. 

The wagons of industrial, patriotic and political order were 
the best features of the display. They were led by the Miles 
and Mineral Ridge Glee Clubs of sixty voices, and the first 
seven contained groups of young girls representing Liberty, 
America, and the various States of the Union. The Falcon 
Nail Works had a wagon filled with its workmen making 
nails on which were graven "Blaine and Logan," and a large 
number of the various iron and steel works of which the 
section is full were represented by bands of brawny work- 
men in working clothes and labor-blackened faces. One of 
the best things in the line was an empty dilapidated wagon 
drawn by two sorry-looking horses bearing the inscription, 
"Free trade looking for business," followed by a new wagon 
loaded with goods and inscribed "Protection has found it." 
Most of the mottoes carried by the various companies were 
very appropriate and contained the gist of the issues of the 
campaign. Among them were such as these: "Garfield's 
friend is our friend," "Cleveland is England's choice, Blaine 
is ours," "Vote for brains, not beef," while one bore the 
thrilling words of Garfield to the young voter : "Come into 
this camp, young man, and put your young life where all is 
living, and where nothing is dead but the heroes that defended 

All along the line of march where the carriage containing 
Gen. Logan appeared he was greeted with prolonged cheers, 
which pealed out over the little town. 

GEN. Logan's speech. 

On the square near the court house had been erected the 
immense tent that did duty at Akron. In it was raised the 
speaker's platform and stands for the bands and singers. It 
was lighted as the afternoon fell by electricity. Long 
before Gen. Logan arrived the tent was crowded, and fully 
20,000 Western Reserve Republicans were in it or massed 
round its edge to wait for Logan. When he alighted and 
walked up the aisle he was greeted with such cheers that the 


tent shook, and they were repeated for five full minutes. 
Logan was introduced by Ex-Senator H. B. Perkins of Warren, 
and, after waiting for the cheers to subside, made an eloquent 
speech, of which the following is an abstract. He began with 
a tribute to the memory of Gen. Garfield, after which he 
reviewed the history of the two parties, and said: 

The Democratic party in its course has erected monuments all along 
its pathway. Do you ask me to point them out? If so, tell me what 
they ever did in the establishment of a sound and healthy financial sys- 
tem for the American people. The effect of their system was disaster and 
ruin to the country. [Cheers.] They erected a monument to free trade, 
at the base of which they do homage to-day; they erected a monument 
to the State banks, and depreciated the currency. But the monument 
erected to the Democratic party whose base was set deeper and whose 
shaft was made liigher than all others, is the monument they erected to 
the slave oligarchy which had no other idea for its guidance than that 
slavery was the highest type of civilization. It stands and still casts its 
shadow along their pathway. Beneath its base we find the putrid corpse 
of Secession and the dry bones of State Sovereignty. [Great applause.] 

The General referred to the systematic opposition of the 
Democratic party to all beneficial legislation, and said : 

I say to you that there is not an advancement to-day in the Hne of civil- 
ization or progress of this great people for the last twenty years, that has 
not been made by the Bepublican party and opposed by the Democratic 
party. In fact, when the Bepublican party lifted the slaves up from the 
deep gulf of despair and placed them in the broad sunlight of glorious 
freedom, the Democratic party rot only opposed making these men free, 
but, my countrymen, the Democratic strong hand has been laid heavily 
upon them from that day to this, and nowhere in Democratic States are 
they permitted freely and fairly to exercise the rights of freemen guaran- 
teed to them by this Government. [Cheers.] So was left by the 
Democratic party the odious doctrine claimed by foreign governments 
that once a citizen always a citizen, and for the Bepublican party to take 
up and sustain the doctrine of voluntary expatriation; the right of 
naturalized citizens to go back to the home of their fathers and there be 
considered an American citizen and be protected in his person and 
property. [Cheers.] Thus, too, was it left for the Bepublican party 
when it came into power to declare by statute that all might return to 
their own homes, and if the old Government should undertake to put 
them in the army the strong arm of the American Government would be 
stretched forth and the American people would say, "No, he is an 
American citizen." [Cheers.] So it is, my fellow-countrymen. If you 
ask me what lies under the Democratic monument, I tell you that they 


fstand over false deeds, failures in statesmanship and want of capacity to 
run this Government in the interest and honor of the American people. 

After referring to the uncertainty of the Democratic plat- 
form on the tariff question, he said: 

Now, my fellow-countrymen, let us take a short review of the Kepub- 
lican party and its history. There is nothing misunderstood in the 
Republican platform. The Eepublican party stands to-day upon princi- 
ple, and, while the Democratic party seems to hide its hght under a 
iDUshel, the Republican party tells you to turn the hghts of scrutiny upon 
•every principle they maintain and every act they have performed. If you 
ask me to point out the monuments of the Republican party to-day I can 
tell you what they are. They are the monuments erected to wholesome 
laws, to loyalty and liberty, to the grandest achievements in civilization, 
to the greatest prosperity and happiness that has been experienced by 
any people since God has given man the power to govern himself. 
[Cheers.] Their grand achievements arise like a grand panorama before 
our view. I might recapitulate that which the Republican party has 
done. It has unchained 4,000,000 of men and made them to stand 
upon the same soil where they were held as slaves, and as free men now 
demand equal rights with the white men and claim protection under the 
flag of this country. So, too, when the great sea of secession was rolling 
and tossing as a mighty tidal wave and the old Ship of State was tossed 
■on the billows freighted with the hopes of mankind, the Republican 
party took the helm, and with Liberty as the guiding star sailed her into 
a harbor of safety where she is moored to-day in perfect security. [Great 

The speaker then cited statistics to prove the wonderful 
growth of the country in every way under the Eepublican 
policy of protection, and contrasted the present condition of 
the country with its condition under Democratic rule, saying: 

You know what the condition of this country was when the Democ- 
racy turned this Government over to the Republican party. Your 
furnaces had quit smoking, your factories had quit humming the song of 
industry. You found your country in distress; you found the Treasury 
without a dollar; and to-day you are the most prosperous people in the 
world. [Cheers.] Where does it come from? Did we ever have it before? 
Has the Democratic party given evidence at any time that they could 
commence with an empty Treasury and accomplish such results? Never, 
my countrymen, never. 

He continued by reviewing the tariff policy of the Demo- 
vcratic party, and after illustrating the fact that the Democratic 


policy would work for the benefit of England and against the 
United States, he continued: 

This is the country for a laboring man, for a professional man, for 
the tradesman, for the business man. In fact, it is the country for every 
man who loves Hberty and desires happiness. This condition of things 
has been brought about by the loyalty, genius and ability of the Repub- 
Ucan party. Why, then, should any laboring man vote against the 
Republican party? "VVliy should any other man who loves his country 
vote against the Republican party? Why should any man vote in favor 
of the Democratic party who fosters the English industries as against our 
own? Why should any man support that party whose rule has brought 
nothing but disaster to the country? [Cheers.] 


In a speech Oct. 26, at Lincoln, 111., Gen. Logan said: 

There is no time for an elaborate address. Our grand meetings 
everywhere au gur well for the future of the Republican party. The people 
are aroused to a sense of what is calculated to be a benefit to their own 
interests. If the love of what the Republican party has done and will da 
for the people in unifjdng the Government and developing the grand 
resources of the country, of the defense and protection the people have 
secured under its management, of the grand prosperity they have 
achieved for themselves in all things that conspire together to make this 
people a prosperous and wealthy people and this one of the grandest Gov- 
ernments that man is allowed to enjoy — if all these things are calculated 
to inspire a belief in the human mmd and heart that the Republican party 
is best quaHfied to manage the affairs of this Nation, or better at least 
than those who have heretofore attempted to manage them, of course the 
people of this country who are Republicans wiU be grateful if the action 
in November shall continue the Government in the hands of the Repub- 
lican party. [Cheers.] 

In closing he said: 

When I leave, Robert Lincoln, the son of the grandest man that this 
country has ever produced, will remain here to address you along with 
Senator Cullom and others. But in conclusion I want to make one state- 
ment. I saw yesterday a circular signed by six colored men, denouncing 
Gov. Oglesby because he never had done anything for the colored people, 
and glorifying Carter Harrison as the great savior, almost, of mankinds 
[Derisive laughter.] Now, I have but this to say, and when I speak of the 
colored people I speak respectfully of them: When any colored man says 
that Dick Oglesby has never done anything for the colored people he has 
forgotten that he .was once in chains; that the lash was once upon his back;^^ 
that the Democratic party put him deep down in the dungeon of despair; 


that Dick Oglesby weltered in his own blood on the field of battle for the 
interests of the colored man [cheers]; that Dick Oglesby, in the great 
inarch of civilization and freedom in this land, was one of the chief men 
who helped raise him from his despair and placed him on the jjlane of 
American citizenship. [Cheers.] He has not only forgotten that, but he 
has forgotten that Carter Harrison had no sympathy with him at that 
time [A voice: "Not a bit of it!"], but was selling the flesh and blood of 
the colored man for his own benefit. [Applause.] Now, my fellow-citi- 
zens, I appeal to this j)eople, and I say that Gov. Oglesby is an honest 
man and a patriot. [Applause.] I wish I could say as much for his 
opponent. [Applause and laughter.] And in conclusion I want to ask 
you whether you are prepared to elect as President a man who can not 
tell what his platform is or means, over a statesman, an educated man, a 
man fearless and bold, a man who can guide the Ship of State through 
stormy, tempestuous seas without trouble or distress. I hope you will 
elect that man — James G. Blaine of Maine. [Applause, cheers, and cries 


The following are the essential portions of a dispatch^ 
by Secretary Blaine concerning the condition of the Jews 
in Eussia, procured from the State Department: 

Depabtment of State, Washington, D. C, Nov. 22, 1881.— James 
R. Loivell, Esq., etc. — Sir: You will remember that, with yoiir dispatch 
of the 26th of July last, you transmitted a memorandum of the laws and 
poHce regulations of Russia affecting persons of the Hebrew faith which 
you had received from Sir Charles Dilke, one of her Majesty's Under 
Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs. Although no information was 
then given as to the motive of this courteous and very acceptable com- 
munication, I naturally inferred that it was in a measure the result of 
the consultations which the United States INIinister at St. Petersburg had 
been directed to hold informally with his British colleague at that court 
touching the treatment of such American or British Jews as should, 
because of business engagements or other causes caUing them to Russia, 
unfortunately find themselves under the operation of the proscriptive 
laws of the Empire against all IsraeUties, native or foreign. 

The question has for some years very seriously engaged the attention 
of this Government as presented in the cases of American citizens of 
Hebrew faith visiting Russia on peaceful, law-observing errands. Under 
the direction of the late President Garfield the representation of what we 
believed to be our just claims in the premises was vigorously renewed 
through the United States Minister at St. Petersburg by means of 
instructions, of which I enclose for your information copies, with the 
relative annexes. Those instructions still properly reflect the views of 
this Government that there should be a change in the treatment of Ameri- 
can Israelites in Russia. In view of the circumstance that the case of 
Mr. Lewisohn, a British subject expelled from the Russian Capital, at 
that time attracted the attention of her Majesty's Government, it seems 
to the President that the almost identical interests of the two Govern- 
ments in the premises justify similar — and, if practicable, concurrent — 
action on their part, and to that end I write you the present instruction. 

The dispatches of the American Minister at St. Petersburg show 
that the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs has made frequent asser- 
tions of a strong desire on the part of his Government to seek a solution 
which would harmonize all interests. While declining to admit that the 



existing convention may exempt American citizens from abject submis- 
sion to the religious laws of the land, the Minister has on several occasions 
promised that the military authorities, in the enforcement of those laws, 
would give to American citizens the widest practicable latitude in inter- 
preting the obligations of the statutes. In point of fact, it is beheved 
that American (and presumably British) sojourners in Russia enjoy, 
under the almost absolute discretionary powers of the imperial mihtary 
commanders, the extremest privileges and immunities which are granted 
to any foreigners. This Government conceives, however, that it should 
not be content with leaving the persons and the material interests of its 
citizens in Russia to the discretionary control of the military arm, how- 
ever friendly its declared purpose may be. And in this conception it may 
very properly assume to be joined by her Majesty's Government, which 
has ever been so watchfully jealous of the moral freedom of its subjects in 
foreign lands. 

The statements of the Russian Government that it was about to seek 
a harmonious solution have been supplemented by very distinct indica- 
tions of the probable direction in which the "solution" will be sought. 
There is, unfortunately, little doubt that the Imperial Government corn- 
templates even more sharply defined restrictive measures against native 
Hebrews, apparently under the belief that by repressing their "injurious 
activity," as it is phrased, the causes of discontent which the native Christ- 
ians feel against the Jews will be measurably lessened, and internal har- 
mony between the conflicting elements be restored. 

It can not but be inexpressibly painful to the enlightened statesman 
of Great Britain, as well as of America, to see a discarded prejudice of 
the Dark Ages gravely revived at this day — to witness an attempt to base 
the policy of a great and sovereign State on the mistaken theory that thrift' 
is a crime of which the unthrifty are the innocent victims, and that dis- 
content and disaffection are to be diminished by increasing the causes 
from which they arise. No student of history need be reminded of the 
lessons taught by the persecutions of the Jews in Central Europe and on 
the Spanish Peninsula. Then, as in Russia to-day, the Hebrew fared 
better in business than his neighbor; then, as now, his economy and 
patient industry bred capital, and capital bred envy, and envy persecu- 
tion, and persecution disaffection and social separation. The old tradi- 
tion moves in its unvarying circle — the Hebrews are made a people apart 
from other people, not of their own volition, but because they have been 
repressed and ostracised by the communities in which they resided. The 
Ghetto of mediaeval times still teaches its eloquent lesson which the 
nations have done well to heed. In Great Britain and in the United 
States the Israelite is not segregated from his fellow-men. His equal 
part in our social framework is unchallenged, his thrift and industry add 
to the wealth of the State, and his loyalty and patriotism are unquestioned. 

It was perfectly clear to the mind of the late President that an ame- 
lioration of the treatment of American Israelites in Russia could 


only result from a very decided betterment of the condition of the native 
Hebrews, that any steps taken toward the relief of one would necessarily 
react in favor of the other, and that, under all the peculiar and abnormal 
aspects of the case, it is competent and proper to urge the subject upon 
the attention of Russia. To his successor in the Chief Magistracy, these 
conclusions are no less evident, and I am charged by the President to 
bring the subject to the formal attention of her Britannic Majesty's 
Government, in the firm belief that the community of interests between 
the United States and England in this great question of civil rights and 
equal tolerance of creed for their respective citizens in foreign lands will 
lead to consideration of the matter with a view to common action thereon. 
It would seem, moreover, a propitious time to initiate a movement which 
might also embrace other Powers whose service in the work of progress is 
commensurate with our own, to the end that Russia may be beneficially 
influenced by their cumulative representations and that their several 
citizens and subjects visiting the territory of the Empire on law-observ- 
ing missions of private interest shall no longer find there subjection of 
conscience to military forms and procedure which obtains nowhere else 
in Europe. 

You may read this despatch to Lord Granville, and, if he desires it, 
leave with him a copy. You will say to him at the same time that, whUe 
abating no part of his intention to press upon the Russian Government 
the just claim of American citizens to less harsh treatment in the Empire 
by reason of their faith, the President will await with pleasure an oppor- 
tunity for a free interchange of views upon the subject with the govern- 
ment of her Majesty. I am sir, etc., James G. Blaine. 




A large number of devoted personal and political friends of 
Mr. Blaine serenaded him at his home at Augusta, November 
18, as an expression of personal good-will and admiration of 
his conduct during the National campaign. They marched 
through the streets under the marshalship of Col. Frank 
Nye. When they reached, Mr. Blaine's house their compli- 
ments and friendly regards were expressed in a speech by 
Herbert M. Heath, Esq., of the Kennebec bar. 

Mr. Blaine responded as follows, his speech being con- 
tinually interrupted by applause : 

Friends and Neighbors : The National contest is over, and by the 
narrowest of margins we have lost. I thank you for your call, which, if 
not one of joyous congratulations, is one, I am sure, of confidence and of 
sanguine hope for the future. I thank you for the public opportunity 
you give me to express my sense of obligation, not only to you, but to all 
the Republicans of Maine. They responded to my nomination with gen- 
uine enthusiasm and ratified it by a superb vote. I count it as one of the 
honors and gratifications of my public career that the party in Maine, 
after struggling hard for the last six years, and twice within that period 
losing the State, has come back in this campaign to the old-fashioned 
20,000 plurality. No other expression of popular confidence and esteem 
could equal that of the people among whom I have lived for thirty years, 
and to whom I am attached by all the ties that ennoble human nature and 
give joy and dignity to life. 

After Maine--indeed, along with Maine — my first thought is always 
of Pennsylvania. How can I fittingly express my thanks for that unparal- 
leled majority of more than 80,000 votes — a popular indorsement which 
has deeply touched my heart, and which has, if possible, increased my 
affection for the grand old Commonwealth; an affection which I inherited 
from my ancestry, and which I shall transmit to my children? 

But I do not Hmit my thanks to the State of my residence and the 
State of my birth. I owe much to the true and zealous friends in New 



England who worked so nobly for the Republican party and its candi- 
dates, and to the eminent scholars and divines who, stepping aside from 
their ordinary avocations, made my cause their cause, and to loyalty to 
principle added the special compUment of standing as my personal repre- 
sentatives in the National struggle. 

But the achievements for the Republican cause in the East are even 
surpassed by the splendid victories in the West. In that magnificent 
cordon of States that stretches from the foot-hills of the Alleghenies to 
the Golden Gate of the Pacific, beginning with Ohio and ending with 
CaHfornia, the Republican banner was borne so loftily that but a single 
State failed to join in the wild acclaim of triumph. Nor should I do justice 
to my own feelings if I failed to thank the Republicans of the Empire 
State, who encountered so many discouragements and obstacles, who 
fought foes from within and foes from without, and who waged so strong 
a battle that a change of one vote in every 2,000 would have given us the 
victory in the Nation. Indeed, a change of a httle more than 5,000 votes 
would have transferred New York, Indiana, New Jersey and Connecticut 
to the Repubhcan standard, and would have made the North as solid as 
the South. 

My thanks would still be incomplete if I should fail to recognize 
with special gratitude that great body of workingmen, both native and 
foreign born, who gave me their earnest support, breaking from old per- 
sonal and party ties, and finding in the principles which I represented in 
the canvass the safeguard and protection of their own 'fireside interests. 

The result of the election, my friends, will be regarded in the future, 
I think, as extraordinary. The Northern States, leaving out the cities of 
New York and Brookl>Ti from the count, siistained the Repubhcan cause 
by a majority of more than 400,000— almost half a million, indeed — of the 
popular vote. The cities of New York and Brooklyn threw their great 
strength and influence with the solid South, and were the decisive element 
which gave to that section the control of the National Government. 
Speaking now not at all as a defeated candidate, but simply as a loyal 
and devoted American, I think the transfer of the pohtical power of the 
Government to the South is a great National misfortune. It is a mis- 
fortune because it introduces an element which cannot insure harmony 
and prosperity to the people, because it introduces into a Republic the 
rule of a minority. The first instinct of an American is equahty — equality 
of right, equahty of privilege, equahty of political power — that equality 
which says to every citizen, "Your vote is just as good; just as potential, 
as the vote of any other citizen." That can not be said to-day in the 
United States. 

The course of affairs in the South has crushed out the political power 
of more than 6,000,000 American citizens, and has transferred it by 
violence to others. Forty-two Presidential Electors are assigned to the 
South on accoimt of the colored population, and yet the colored popula- 
tion, with more than 1,100,000 legal votes, have been unable to choose a 


single Elector. Even in those States where they have a majority of more 
than a hundred thousand they are deprived of free suffrage, and their 
rights as citizens are scornfully trodden under foot. The eleven States 
that comprised the Rebel Confederacy had by the census of 1880 $7,500,000 
of white population and 5,300,000 colored population. The colored popu- 
lation, almost to a man, desire to support the Repubhcan party, but by a 
system of cruel intimidation and by violence and murder, whenever 
violence and murder are thought necessary, they are absolutely deprived 
of all political power. If the outrage stopped there, it would be bad 
enough; but it does not stop there, for not only is the negro population 
disfranchised, but the power which rightfully and constitutionally belongs 
to it is transferred to the white population, enabhng the white population 
of the South to exert an Electoral influence far beyond that exerted by 
the same number of white people in the North. 

To illustrate just how it works to the destruction of all fair elections, 
let me present to you five States in the late Confederacy and five loyal 
States of the North, possessing in each section the same number of 
Electoral votes. In the South the States of Louisiana, Mississippi, Ala- 
bama, Georgia and South Carolina have in the aggregate forty-eight 
Electoral votes. They have 2,800,000 white people, and over 3,000,000 
colored people. In the North the States of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, 
Kansas and Cahfornia have likewise in the aggregate forty-eight Electoral 
votes, and they have a white population of 5,600,000, or just double the 
five Southern States which I have named. These Northern States have 
practically no colored population. It is therefore evident that the white 
men in those Southern States by usurping and absorbing the rights of 
the colored men are exerting just double the political power of the white 
men in the Northern States. I submit, my friends, that such a condition 
of affairs is extraordinary, unjust, and derogatory to the manhood of the 
North. Even those who are vindictively opposed to negro suffrage will 
not deny that if Presidential Electors are assigned to the South by reason 
of the negro population that population ought to be permitted free suf- 
frage in the election. To deny that clear proposition is to affirm that a 
Southern white man in the Gulf States is entitled to double the political 
power of a Northern white man in the Lake States. It is to affirm that a 
Confederate soldier shall wield twice the influence in the Nation that a 
Union soldier can, and that a perpetual and constantly increasing superi- 
ority shall be conceded to the Southern white man in the Government of 
the Union. If that be quietly conceded in this generation it will harden 
into custom, until the badge of inferiority will attach to the Northern 
white man as odiously as ever Norman noble stamped it upon Saxon 

This subject is of deep interest to the laboring men of the North. 
With the Southern Democracy triumphant in their States and in the 
Nation, the negro will be compelled to work for just such wages as the 
whites may decree; wages which will amount, as did the supplies of the 


slaves, to a bare subsistence, equal in cash to perhaps 35 cents per day, 
if averaged over the entire South. The white laborer in the North will 
soon feel the distinctive effect of this upon his own wages. The Repub- 
licans have clearly seen from the earliest days of reconstruction that 
wages in the South must be raised to a just recompense of the laborer or 
wages in the North ruinously lowered, and the party have steadily worked 
for the former result. The reverse influence will now be set in motion, 
and that condition of affairs produced which years ago Mr. Lincoln 
warned the free laboring men of the North will prove hostile to their 
independence, and will inevitably lead to a ruinous reduction of wages. 
A mere difference of the color of the skin will not suffice to maintain an 
entirely different standard in wages of contiguous and adjacent States, 
and the voluntary will be compelled to yield to the involuntary. So com- 
pletely have the colored men in the South been already deprived by the 
Demcoratic party of their constitutional and legal right as citizens of the 
United States that they regard the advent of that party to National power 
as the signal of their enslavement, and are affrighted because they think 
all legal protection for them is gone. 

Few persons in the North realize how completely the chiefs of the 
Rebellion wield the political power which has triumphed in the late 
election. It is a portentous fact that the Democratic Senators who come 
from the States of the late Confederacy, all — and I mean all without a 
single exception — personally participated in the Rebellion against the 
National Government. It is a still more significant fact that in those 
States no man who was loyal to the Union, no matter how strong a Dem- 
ocrat he may be to-day, has the slightest chance of political promotion. 
The one great avenue to honor in that section is the record of zealous 
service in the war against the Government. It is certainly an astounding 
fact that the section in which friendship for the Union in the day of its 
trial and agony is still a political disqualification should be called now to 
rule over the Union. All this takes place during the lifetime of the gen- 
eration that fought the war, and elevates into practical command of the 
American Government the identical men who organized for its destruction 
and plunged us into the bloodiest contest of modern times. • 

I have spoken of the South as placed by the late election in posses- 
sion of the Government, and I mean all that my words imply. The 
South furnished nearly three-fourths of the Electoral votes that defeated 
the Republican party, and they will step to the command of the Demo- 
crats as unchallenged and as unrestrained as they held the same position 
for thirty years before the war. 

Gentlemen, there can not be poHtical inequality among the citizens of 
a free Republic; there can not be a minority of white men in the South 
ruling a majority of white men in the North. Patriotism, self-respect, 
pride, protection for person, and safety for country aU cry out against it. 
The very thought of it stirs the blood of men who inherit equality from 
the Pilgrims who first stood on Plymouth Rock, and from liberty-loving 


patriots who came to the Delaware with William Perm. It becomes the 
primal question of American manhood. It demands a hearing and a 
settlement, and that settlement will vindicate the equaUty of American 
citizens in all personal and civil rights. It will, at least, establish the 
equahty of white men under the National Government, and will give to 
the Northern man, who fought to preserve the Union, as large a voice in 
its government as may be exercised by the Southern man who fought to 
destroy the Union. 

The contest just closed utterly dwarfs the fortunes and fates of 
candidates, whether successful or unsuccessful. Purposely— I may say 
instinctively — I have discussed the issues and consequences of that 
contest without reference to my own defeat, without the remotest refer- 
ence to the gentleman who is elevated to the Presidency. Towards him 
personally I have no cause for the slightest iU-will, and it is with cordiality 
I express the wish that his official career may prove gratifying to himself 
and beneficial to the country, and that his administration may overcome 
the embarassments which the peculiar source of its power imposes upon 
it from the hour of its birth. 


The following letter was sent to President Arthur Feb- 
ruary 3, 1882, by ex-Secretary Blaine: 

To the President of the United States: The suggestion of a con- 
gress of all American nations to assemble in the city of Washington for 
the purpose of agreeing on such a basis of arbitration for international 
troubles as would remove all possibility of war on the Western Hemis- 
phere was warmly approved by your predecessor. His assassination July 2 
prevented his issuing the invitation to the American States. After your 
accession to the Presidency I acquainted you with the project, and 
submitted to you the draft for such an invitation. You received the 
suggestion with most appreciative consideration, and, after carefully 
examining the form of invitation, directed it to be sent. It was accord- 
ingly dispatched in November to the independent Governments of 
America, North and South, including all, from the Empire of Brazil to the 
smallest Republic. In a communication addressed by the present Secre- 
tary of State the 9th of last month to Mr. Trescott, and recently sent to 
the Senate, 1 was greatly surprised to find a proposition looking to the 
annuUment of these invitations, and I was still more surprised when I 
read the reasons assigned. I quote Mr. Frehnghuysen's language: " The 
United States is at peace with all nations of the earth, and the President 
wishes hereafter to determine whether it will conduce to the general peace, 
which he would cherish and promote, for this Government to enter into 
negotiations and consultation for the promotion of peace with selected 
friendly nationahties without extending the line of confidence to other 
people with whom the United States is on equally friendly terms. If such 
partial confidence would create jealousy and ill-will, peace, the object 
sought by such consultation, would not be promoted. The principles 
controlling the relations of the EepubHcs of this hemisphere with other 
nationalities may, on investigation, be found to be so weU estabHshed that 
little would be gained at this 'time by reopening the subject, which is not 
novel." If I correctly apprehend the meaning of these words, it is that 
we might offend some European powers if we should hold in the United 
States a Congress of " selected nationalities " of America. 

This is certainly a new position for the United States to assume, and 
one which I earnestly beg you will not permit this Government to occupy. 
European powers assemble in Congress whenever an object seems to them 



of suflBcient importance to justify it. I have never heard of their consult- 
ing the Government of the United States in regard to the propriety of 
their so assembhng, nor have I ever known their inviting an American 
representative to be present, nor would there in my judgment be any good 
reason for their so doing. Two Presidents of the United States in the 
year 1881 adjudge it to be expedient that American powers should meet 
in Congress for the sole purpose of agreeing upon some basis for arbitra- 
tion of differences that may arise between them, and for the prevention, 
as far as possible, of wars in the future. If that movement is now to be 
arrested for fear it may give offense in Europe, the voluntary humiliation 
of this Government could not be more complete, unless we should peti- 
tion European Governments for the privilege of holding the Congress. 

I cannot conceive how the United States could be placed in a less 
enviable position than would be secured by sending in November a cor- 
dial invitation to all American Governments to meet in Washington for 
the sole purpose of concocting measures of peace and in January recall- 
ing the invitation for fear it might create " jealousy and ill-will " on the 
part of monarchical Governments in Europe. It would be difficult to 
devise a more effective mode of makin g enemies of the American Govern- 
ment, and it would certainly not add to our prestige in the European 
world. Nor can I see, Mr. President, how European Governments should 
feel "jealousy and ill-will " toward the United States because of an effort 
on its part to assure lasting peace between the nations of America, 
unless indeed it be the interest of the European powers that the American 
nations should at intervals fall into war, and bring reproach on Kepub- 
lican government. But from that very circumstance I see an additional 
and powerful motive for American Governments to be at peace among 
themselves. The United States is indeed at peace with all the world, as 
Mr. Frelinghuysen well says; but there are, and have been, serious trou- 
bles between other American Republics. Peru, Chili and Bolivia have 
been for more than two years engaged in a desperate conflict. It was the 
fortunate intervention of the United States last spring that averted war 
between Chili and the Argentine Republic. Guatemala is at this moment 
asking the United States to interpose its good offices with Mexico to keep 
off war. 

These important facts were all communicated in your late message 
to Congress. It is the existence or menace of these wars that influenced 
President Garfield, and, as I supposed, influenced yourself, to desire a 
friendly conference of all nations of America to devise methods of per- 
manent peace and consequent prosperity for all. Shall the United States 
now turn back, hold aloof, and refuse to exert its great moral power for 
the advantage of its weaker neighbors? If you have not formally and 
fully recalled the invitation to a peace Congress, Mr. President, I beg you 
to consider well the effect of so doing. The invitation was not mine. It 
was yours. I performed only the part of Secretary to advise and draft. 
You spoke in the name of the United States to each of the independent 


nations of America. To revoke that invitation for any cause would be 
embarrassing; to revoke it for avowed fear of "jealousy and ill-will" on 
the part of European powers would appeal as Httle to American pride as 
to American hospitality. Those you have invited may dechne, and, hav- 
ing now cause to doubt their welcome, will perhaps do so. This would 
break up the Congress, but it would not touch our dignity. Beyond the 
philanthrophic and Christian ends to be obtained by the American con- 
ference, devoted to peace and good-will among men, we might well hope 
for material advantages as a result of a better understanding and closer 
frienship with the nations of America. At present the condition of trade 
between the United States and its American neighbors is unsatisfactory 
to us, and even deplorable. 

According to the official statistics of our own Treasury Department 
the balance against us in that trade last year was $120,000,000 — a sum 
greater than the yearly product^of the gold and silver mines in the United 
States. This vast balance was paid by us in foreign exchange, and a 
very large proportion of it went to England, where shipments of cotton^ 
provisions, and breadstuffs supphed the money. If anything should 
change or check the balance in our favor in European trade, our com- 
mercial exchanges with Spanish America would drain us of our reserve 
of gold coin at a rate exceeding $100,000,000 per annum, and would prob- 
ably precipitate the suspension of specie-payment in this country. Such 
a result at home might be worse than a little " jealousy and ill-will" abroad; 
I do not say, Mr. President, that the holding of a peace Congress wiU 
necessarily change the currents of trade, but it will bring us into kindly 
relations with all the American nations; it will promote the reign of 
peace, and law, and order; it will increase production and consumption, 
and will stimulate the demand for articles which American manufacturers 
can furnish with profit. It will, at all events, be a friendly and auspiciou s 
begiiming in the direction of American influence and American trade in 
a large field which we have hitherto greatly neglected, and which ha s 
been practically monopolized by our commercial rivals in Europe. As 
Mr. Frelinghuy sen's dispatch foreshadowing an abandonment of a peac 
Congress is being made public by your direction, I deem it a matter of 
propriety and justice to give this letter to the press. I am, Mr. President, 
with great respect, your ever obedient servant, 

James G. Blaine. 





The popular vote of 1884 is given below, and that of 
1880 is annexed for purposes of comparison: 






St. John. 
























































































Florida _ 
















TllinoiR .. 








Maine - 




Michigan _ 










Nevada __ 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New York 












North Carolina 


• 425 

Oregon __ __ 



Rhode Island 

South Carolina 







Vermont _ 


Virginia _ _ __ 


West Virginia ^ 





Blaine's Plurality. _ 





Total Vote .10,041,268 

























































































California _ _ _ 

Colorado _ _ 





Georgia __ _ 










Illinois _ - 

Indiana . 


Iowa _ ___ - 



Kentucky __ _ _ 


Louisiana . 


Maryland _ 



Michigan. __ __ _ 






Nebraska. __ __ 


New Hampshire __. 

New Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina 


















Oregon. _ 


Rhode Island 

South Carolina 







Vermont _ _ 



West Virginia 




Garfield's PluraHty 






Total Vote 9,210,914 

The total vote of Dakota at the election for Delegate in 
Congress was 85,850, of which Judge Gifford (Blaine 
Eepublican) received 71,030 and J. B. Wilson, a Cleveland 
Democrat, 14,820; Eepublican majority, 56,210. 


83 ^'i 

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